The encounter against M. Parsons, by a revievv of his last sober reckoning, and his exceptions vrged in the treatise of his mitigation. Wherein moreouer is inserted: 1. A confession of some Romanists, both concerning the particular falsifications of principall Romanists, as namely, Bellarmine, Suarez, and others: as also concerning the generall fraude of that curch, in corrupting of authors. 2. A confutation of slaunders, which Bellarmine vrged against Protestants. 3. A performance of the challenge, which Mr. Parsons made, for the examining of sixtie Fathers, cited by Coccius for proofe of Purgatorie ... 4. A censure of a late pamphlet, intituled, The patterne of a Protestant, by one once termed the moderate answerer. 5. An handling of his question of mentall equiuocation (after his boldnesse with the L. Cooke) vpon occasion of the most memorable, and feyned Yorkeshire case of equiuocating; and of his raging against D. Kings sermon. Published by authoritie
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The first Booke. CHAP. I. An Introduction to the Reueiw. SECT. I. 1. THis Encounter consisteth of these two parts, the first is a Reueiw of Master Parsons his last Reckoning; the second of such points as concerne his Treatise of Mitigation: and the issue of them both will be (God willing) the reasonable performance of my former Challenge.
The First Book. CHAP. I an Introduction to the Reueiw. SECT. I. 1. THis Encounter Consisteth of these two parts, the First is a Reueiw of Master Parsons his last Reckoning; the second of such points as concern his Treatise of Mitigation: and the issue of them both will be (God willing) the reasonable performance of my former Challenge.
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2. And because the first part (which is his Reckoning ) is spent especially about the charge and discharge of Falsifications, which haue beene reciprocally obiected on both sides, concerning matters of maine Consequence;
2. And Because the First part (which is his Reckoning) is spent especially about the charge and discharge of Falsifications, which have been reciprocally objected on both sides, Concerning matters of main Consequence;
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and in this Introduction and Entrance to repell his maine assault, who hath made falsifying to be a substantiall distinctiue note of discerning betweene Protestants, and his Catholicke writers;
and in this Introduction and Entrance to repel his main assault, who hath made falsifying to be a substantial distinctive note of discerning between Protestants, and his Catholic writers;
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I meane, that hath set downe in Print any such falsitie as cannot be excused either by ignorance, ouersight, negligence, error of Print, translation, diuersitie of Editions, or the like:
I mean, that hath Set down in Print any such falsity as cannot be excused either by ignorance, oversight, negligence, error of Print, Translation, diversity of Editions, or the like:
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nor can he account any Iesuite a more worthie Writer then is their Iesuite Suarez, publike Reader in the Vniuersitie of Salamanca, whom their Iesuite Posseuine hath Registred among the most famous Authors of these times;
nor can he account any Iesuite a more worthy Writer then is their Iesuite Suarez, public Reader in the university of Salamanca, whom their Iesuite Possess hath Registered among the most famous Authors of these times;
therfore must we seeke out of the Romish Schoole, some one approoued witnesse, who hath made a priuie search into the writings of the foresaid Iesuite;
Therefore must we seek out of the Romish School, Some one approved witness, who hath made a privy search into the writings of the foresaid Iesuite;
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commended by Diego Nuncio, and Antonius Soto-Mayor for one, in whose Memorie The Church ( say they ) which is the Spouse of Christ, may congratulate her owne good, in that she had so singular,
commended by Diego Nuncio, and Antonius Soto-Mayor for one, in whose Memory The Church (say they) which is the Spouse of christ, may congratulate her own good, in that she had so singular,
vnto whose commendation Rob. Bertelot, and A. Priqueu doe subscribe: Him hath also Ant. Hereros, Publike professor in the 〈 ◊ 〉 of Pintia, greatly extolled in his commendatorie Epistle, calling this Cumel the very heart of the Vniuersitie wherin he was Professor, whose name was honored ( saith he ) by Pope Clement the eight.
unto whose commendation Rob. Bertelot, and A. Priqueu do subscribe: Him hath also Ant Hereros, Public professor in the 〈 ◊ 〉 of Pintia, greatly extolled in his commendatory Epistle, calling this Cumel the very heart of the university wherein he was Professor, whose name was honoured (Says he) by Pope Clement the eight.
And yet againe is this Doctor further magnified in the Epistle Dedicatory by Fr. IIdefonsus, who reporteth Cumel to haue beene an admirable man, both for learning and wisedome, Insomuch that Kings did consult with him in their most weightie affaires,
And yet again is this Doctor further magnified in the Epistle Dedicatory by Fr. IIdefonsus, who Reporteth Cumel to have been an admirable man, both for learning and Wisdom, Insomuch that Kings did consult with him in their most weighty affairs,
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6. Let vs now heare what this so honourable a witnesse and Oracle will say, concerning the dealing of the former lesuite, in a matter of high moment, such as is the power of Gods effectuall Grace in acting mans will vnto good:
6. Let us now hear what this so honourable a witness and Oracle will say, Concerning the dealing of the former lesuite, in a matter of high moment, such as is the power of God's effectual Grace in acting men will unto good:
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7. Saint Hieroms testimonie ( saith Cumel) Dolosè ciatatur ab Aduersarys ( speaking of Molina, Suarez, and some other Romish writers) that is, Is fraudulently cited:
7. Saint Hieroms testimony (Says Cumel) Dolosè ciatatur ab Aduersarys (speaking of molina, Suarez, and Some other Romish writers) that is, Is fraudulently cited:
so that I cannot tell with what spirit he is cited of Suarez: and much lesse doe I perceiue to what end Stapleton is alleadged, whose words doe more expresly make against them.
so that I cannot tell with what Spirit he is cited of Suarez: and much less do I perceive to what end Stapleton is alleged, whose words do more expressly make against them.
Suarez hath taken out of the testimonie of Saint Thomas the word, Praeordination, and put in stead of it, Subordination, and expoundeth S. Thomas sinisterly.
Suarez hath taken out of the testimony of Saint Thomas the word, Preordination, and put in stead of it, Subordination, and expoundeth S. Thomas sinisterly.
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Suarez produduceth for his proofe the testimonie of Chrysostome, [ Ad Heb. hom. 12. super cap. 7. vbi ait, Nostras non antecedit voluntatates, nè liberum laedatur arbitrium, ] cutting of that which went immediately before,
Suarez produduceth for his proof the testimony of Chrysostom, [ Ad Hebrew hom. 12. super cap. 7. vbi ait, Nostras non antecedit voluntatates, nè liberum laedatur Arbitrium, ] cutting of that which went immediately before,
] Which words he hath printed in new and distinct Characters and Letters, as though they were the very words of Pope Clement, when as indeed that most holy Pope neuer deliuered those words,
] Which words he hath printed in new and distinct Characters and Letters, as though they were the very words of Pope Clement, when as indeed that most holy Pope never Delivered those words,
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9. And thus doth Cumel proceed against Suarez, in censuring his falsifications in these and other allegations, wherein Cumel seemeth to discerne nothing but wilfull frauds in that their Iesuite Suarez; whom notwithstanding they magnifie for one, Who, by the iudgement of all the most learned men, (as they say) seemeth to haue abundantly satisfied Heretickes (so they call Protestants) and Catholickes, in the doctrine of the Sacraments in the new law.
9. And thus does Cumel proceed against Suarez, in censuring his falsifications in these and other allegations, wherein Cumel seems to discern nothing but wilful frauds in that their Iesuite Suarez; whom notwithstanding they magnify for one, Who, by the judgement of all the most learned men, (as they say) seems to have abundantly satisfied Heretics (so they call Protestants) and Catholics, in the Doctrine of the Sacraments in the new law.
10. Seeing now (good Reader) that Fr. Suarez, one of their chiefe order (which is the order of Iesuits, ) and the choicest writer which is now liuing in that Societie, in a fewe Chapters of but one so primarily an authorized Booke, concerning one onely Controuersie, hath committed so many falsities, which their owne so much approoued Doctor Cumel cannot free from wilsull fraudes and corruptions;
10. Seeing now (good Reader) that Fr. Suarez, one of their chief order (which is the order of Iesuits,) and the Choicest writer which is now living in that Society, in a few Chapters of but one so primarily an authorized Book, Concerning one only Controversy, hath committed so many falsities, which their own so much approved Doctor Cumel cannot free from wilful frauds and corruptions;
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what multitudes of falshoodes shall we thinke may be found in all the huge and vast Volumes, which he and other Iesuits haue published, concerning all other questions of Controuersie,
what Multitudes of falsehoods shall we think may be found in all the huge and vast Volumes, which he and other Iesuits have published, Concerning all other questions of Controversy,
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11. Although this one so singular an Instance, being deprehended by such an Accuser in so many and so notorious falsities, doth sufficiently encounter Mr. PARSONS his demaund, who offered to be contented but with one example of any one, who hath committed but three such inexcusable defaults:
11. Although this one so singular an Instance, being deprehended by such an Accuser in so many and so notorious falsities, does sufficiently encounter Mr. PARSONS his demand, who offered to be contented but with one Exampl of any one, who hath committed but three such inexcusable defaults:
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yet lest that Master PARSONS his modesty may giue him leaue, & his wit power to answere me according to the Greeke Prouerbe, NONLATINALPHABET which is, to turne an vnitie into a Cypher,
yet lest that Master PARSONS his modesty may give him leave, & his wit power to answer me according to the Greek Proverb, which is, to turn an unity into a Cypher,
therefore haue I thought it further more requisite to single out Duo magna lumina, that is, the two great lights of that Church, Cardinall Bellarmine, and Cardinall Baronius, and to shew the wonderfull Eclipses and spots of falshood, which their owne Doctors haue discerned in these two.
Therefore have I Thought it further more requisite to single out Duo Magna lumina, that is, the two great lights of that Church, Cardinal Bellarmine, and Cardinal Baronius, and to show the wonderful Eclipses and spots of falsehood, which their own Doctors have discerned in these two.
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who as he hath written much, so were it not maruell if in so many Bookes, he should haue left some things, whereupon his Aduersaries might probably wrangle.
who as he hath written much, so were it not marvel if in so many Books, he should have left Some things, whereupon his Adversaries might probably wrangle.
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But as for wilfull vntruthes, it is so farre from his knowen and confessed integritie, as Mr. Morton could neuer haue made choice of an vnfitter match for this point.
But as for wilful untruths, it is so Far from his known and confessed integrity, as Mr. Mortonum could never have made choice of an unfitter match for this point.
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but onely to honour himselfe, by contending with such an Aduersarie, and to cast some clouds, at least in the minds of the simple sort, vpon the shining beames of Cardinall Bellarmines estimation, by obiecting the name of wilfull falsities vnto him.
but only to honour himself, by contending with such an Adversary, and to cast Some Clouds, At least in the minds of the simple sort, upon the shining beams of Cardinal Bellarmines estimation, by objecting the name of wilful falsities unto him.
as not lending any least true aduantage vnto any impugnation of the Aduersary. And this is all the hurt that he is like to receiue by this Assault. SECT. III. The Reuiewe.
as not lending any least true advantage unto any impugnation of the Adversary. And this is all the hurt that he is like to receive by this Assault. SECT. III. The Reuiewe.
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12. I Shall desire Mr. Parsons to forbeare a while the examination of the exceptions, which I haue taken against Cardinall Bellarmine, vntill we come to discusse that point;
12. I Shall desire Mr. Parsons to forbear a while the examination of the exceptions, which I have taken against Cardinal Bellarmine, until we come to discuss that point;
and for the present to haue so much patience, as to vnderstand, what & how foggie a mist of insinceritie, some Authors of their owne profession haue spied in the writings of this their Bellarmine, whom Mr. Parsons preferreth for sinceritie before all others of his side. His three Accusers.
and for the present to have so much patience, as to understand, what & how foggy a missed of insincerity, Some Authors of their own profession have spied in the writings of this their Bellarmine, whom Mr. Parsons preferreth for sincerity before all Others of his side. His three Accusers.
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who mentioneth Bellarmine. with all reuerend respect, by the appellation of Most illustrious Lord; who is authorized in this his aunswere vnder the publike approbation of the State of Venice.
who mentioneth Bellarmine. with all reverend respect, by the appellation of Most illustrious Lord; who is authorized in this his answer under the public approbation of the State of Venice.
The third is Guil. Barclaius, who yeeldeth vnto Bellarmine this dignifying Title of Most famous Cardinall and most learned Diuine, in that booke which he Dedicated to Pope Clement 8. The exceptions that they take against Bellarmine, are concerning one onely Controuetsie of his:
The third is Guile Barclaius, who yields unto Bellarmine this dignifying Title of Most famous Cardinal and most learned Divine, in that book which he Dedicated to Pope Clement 8. The exceptions that they take against Bellarmine, Are Concerning one only Controuetsie of his:
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14. For his abuse of the testmonies of Schoolemen hee is thus noted. He erreth ( saith Marsilius speaking of Bellarmine) in expounding Thomas contrary to his meaning, whose Catholick Doctrine, in all matters of Diuinitie, I doe professe.
14. For his abuse of the testimonies of Schoolmen he is thus noted. He erreth (Says Marsilius speaking of Bellarmine) in expounding Thomas contrary to his meaning, whose Catholic Doctrine, in all matters of Divinity, I do profess.
He erreth in denying that Sotus did maruell at the Canonist, (viz. For saying that the Pope is the Lord of the whole world, directly in temporall things.
He erreth in denying that Sotus did marvel At the Canonist, (viz. For saying that the Pope is the Lord of the Whole world, directly in temporal things.
or fabulous, complaining and maruelling that Syluester departed from the iudgement of Thomas: yea and the same wordes of Sotus were read in the first Bookes of the Lo. Cardinall himselfe ( viz. Bellarmine ) which if he will not acknowledge, it skilleth not,
or fabulous, complaining and marvelling that Sylvester departed from the judgement of Thomas: yea and the same words of Sotus were read in the First Books of the Lo. Cardinal himself (viz. Bellarmine) which if he will not acknowledge, it skilleth not,
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He erreth in saying that Nauarre writ, that [ The Popes authoritie was not meerely temporall, ] as though he had confessed the Popes authoritie to be temporall, and accessorily spirituall;
He erreth in saying that Navarre writ, that [ The Popes Authority was not merely temporal, ] as though he had confessed the Popes Authority to be temporal, and accessorily spiritual;
He erreth in saying absolutely, that Sotus and Couarruvias affirmed that which they spake with condition, viz. Ordinariè. He abuseth the testimonie of Gerson (saith the second Accuser) noting that to haue bene spoken against the due reuerence vnto the Pope,
He erreth in saying absolutely, that Sotus and Covarrubias affirmed that which they spoke with condition, viz. Ordinariè. He abuseth the testimony of Gerson (Says the second Accuser) noting that to have be spoken against the due Reverence unto the Pope,
wherunto the first Accuser ( Marsilius ) proceedeth, saying of Bellarmine, that He erreth in affirming that Chrysostome (expounding that place of Paul, Rom. 13. Let euery soule be subiect vnto the higher powers) speaketh of power in generall ( as though hee did as well imply spirituall power,
whereunto the First Accuser (Marsilius) Proceedeth, saying of Bellarmine, that He erreth in affirming that Chrysostom (expounding that place of Paul, Rom. 13. Let every soul be Subject unto the higher Powers) speaks of power in general (as though he did as well imply spiritual power,
Hee erreth in alleaging the Councell of Colen, for that Councell determined nothing thereof, but according to the Glosse, &c. Finally, See, good Reader ( saith their P. Paulus) the cunning of this Author ( namely Bellarmine) saying that the fift Romane Councell vnder Pope Symmachus, did allow,
He erreth in alleging the Council of Colen, for that Council determined nothing thereof, but according to the Gloss, etc. Finally, See, good Reader (Says their P. Paulus) the cunning of this Author (namely Bellarmine) saying that the fift Roman Council under Pope Symmachus, did allow,
as her owne Decree, that sentence of Eunodius [ Aliorum hominum causas, &c. ] whereas that sentence shall not be any where found to haue beene specially approued,
as her own decree, that sentence of Eunodius [ Aliorum hominum causas, etc. ] whereas that sentence shall not be any where found to have been specially approved,
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And Hee hath added of himselfe ( speaking of a Decree of a Councell of Laterane, vnder Pope Alexander the third ) these wordes, [ Quòd nullus sit in terris Papâ Superior, ] That is, Because there is none in earth Superiour vnto the Pope.
And He hath added of himself (speaking of a decree of a Council of Lateran, under Pope Alexander the third) these words, [ Quòd nullus sit in terris Papâ Superior, ] That is, Because there is none in earth Superior unto the Pope.
yet It cannot be denied (saith he) but that Bellarmine, by following Sanders and others rashly, hath not a little erred in three points of his defence of the Popes temporall authority:
yet It cannot be denied (Says he) but that Bellarmine, by following Sanders and Others rashly, hath not a little erred in three points of his defence of the Popes temporal Authority:
and thereupon could not But maruell (as he himselfe saith) that men, who are for their Learning so famous, doe so negligently set downe their iudgements in writing,
and thereupon could not But marvel (as he himself Says) that men, who Are for their Learning so famous, do so negligently Set down their Judgments in writing,
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whereas an auncient Councell decreed Can. 32. [ Ne Clericus quemquam praesumat apud secularem Iudicem, Episcopo non permittente, pulsare ] Gratian contrariwise deliuereth it thus: Clericum msllus praesumat pulsare, &c. 17. These few faults are more then enough, to haue beene discouered by their owne Authours, out of one Controuersie of their Cardinall Bellarmine. As for other notes of his contradictions, whereof he is conuinceable, I remit them vnto their proper place.
whereas an ancient Council decreed Can. 32. [ Ne Clericus quemquam praesumat apud secularem judge, Bishop non permitting, pulsare ] Gratian contrariwise Delivereth it thus: Cleric msllus praesumat pulsare, etc. 17. These few Faults Are more then enough, to have been discovered by their own Authors, out of one Controversy of their Cardinal Bellarmine. As for other notes of his contradictions, whereof he is conuinceable, I remit them unto their proper place.
is the most Syncere Author of all other Romanists) hath beene thus deepely charged by their owne Doctors of so much insincerity, our Reader may conceiue thereby how little confidence any may yeeld vnto their other lesse confiderate or conscionable Doctors.
is the most Sincere Author of all other Romanists) hath been thus deeply charged by their own Doctors of so much insincerity, our Reader may conceive thereby how little confidence any may yield unto their other less confiderate or conscionable Doctors.
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I proceede, and (because the fellowshippe which Card. Bellarmine had with Card. Baronius, will not permit them to be diuided) I adde An Accusation made by the foresaid Marsilius, against their Cardinall BARONIVS.
I proceed, and (Because the fellowship which Card. Bellarmine had with Card. Baronius, will not permit them to be divided) I add an Accusation made by the foresaid Marsilius, against their Cardinal BARONIVS.
18. Cardinall Bellarmine aduanceth Cardinal Baronius in this manner: That most worthy and learned Baronius ( saith he ) doth demonstrate by most cleare euidences, that there was neuer such 〈 ◊ 〉 graunted vnto Emperours,
18. Cardinal Bellarmine Advanceth Cardinal Baronius in this manner: That most worthy and learned Baronius (Says he) does demonstrate by most clear evidences, that there was never such 〈 ◊ 〉 granted unto emperors,
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Againe he saith that The answeres of Card. Baronius are not unlike ( meaning, vnto the answeres of Card. Bellarmine) who whilst he cannot finde an obiected argument, able to be assoyled by History, he saith that these wordes haue beene inserted into the bookes.
Again he Says that The answers of Card. Baronius Are not unlike (meaning, unto the answers of Card. Bellarmine) who while he cannot find an objected argument, able to be assoiled by History, he Says that these words have been inserted into the books.
In breefe, I will say no more ( saith he ) of Card. Baronius, but that he is an Historian yet Liuing, whose workes are suspected, where he intreateth of the Immunity ( namely, of the Clergie, ) who,
In brief, I will say no more (Says he) of Card. Baronius, but that he is an Historian yet Living, whose works Are suspected, where he intreateth of the Immunity (namely, of the Clergy,) who,
and that there is a booke which will come forth shortly, intituled, The Errors of Baronius, wherein there are discouered more then twenty seuerall errours, which he hath committed in denying this one most auncient Historie, concerning Pope Iohn ( to wit, Iohn 12. whom the godly Emperour Otho deposed ) I shall not neede to say more of his authority.
and that there is a book which will come forth shortly, entitled, The Errors of Baronius, wherein there Are discovered more then twenty several errors, which he hath committed in denying this one most ancient History, Concerning Pope John (to wit, John 12. whom the godly Emperor Otho deposed) I shall not need to say more of his Authority.
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but by the remisse principles of probability onely) that if twenty errours may bee found in the compasse of three sheetes of paper, set forth by Baronius, then may we presume that many hundreth vntruths do lie lurking within his whole Annals, which containe twelue huge volumes, which, in all probability, may bewray some apparances of vniust dealings. SECT. IIII.
but by the remiss principles of probability only) that if twenty errors may be found in the compass of three sheets of paper, Set forth by Baronius, then may we presume that many Hundredth untruths do lie lurking within his Whole Annals, which contain twelue huge volumes, which, in all probability, may bewray Some appearances of unjust dealings. SECT. IIII.
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And after that he made the matter manifest, by alleaging the Author at large, he shutteth vp the point, saying, What a mischiefe meaneth this manner of handling Authours? and so proceedeth on to vrge him to confesse eyther his wilfull falshood,
And After that he made the matter manifest, by alleging the Author At large, he shutteth up the point, saying, What a mischief means this manner of handling Authors? and so Proceedeth on to urge him to confess either his wilful falsehood,
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In the next place he chargeth Boucher for alleaging the Supposititious and bastardly Tracts, which are falsly fathered vpon Tho. Aquinas, to wit, the bookes de Regimine Principis, which although they be vulgarly receiued as his yet are they fraught with such dotages and fooleries,
In the next place he charges Boucher for alleging the Supposititious and bastardly Tracts, which Are falsely fathered upon Tho. Aquinas, to wit, the books de Regiment Principis, which although they be vulgarly received as his yet Are they fraught with such dotages and fooleries,
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Finally (not to diue any deeper into this puddle-water of falsities) Barclay is offended with Boucher, for bringing in the sentence of Sarisburiensis laymed and corrupted, which ( saith Barclay) you must say you haue deliuered from the relation of others,
Finally (not to dive any Deeper into this puddle-water of falsities) Barclay is offended with Boucher, for bringing in the sentence of Sarum laymed and corrupted, which (Says Barclay) you must say you have Delivered from the Relation of Others,
21. And now may our Reader iudge, whether M. Parsons haue not (as I once said) lauishly hazarded the credite of the chiefe Pillars of the Romish Church, vpon a Triple falsitie, as it were vpon a Trey-trippe, euen by the confessions of their owne Doctors.
21. And now may our Reader judge, whither M. Parsons have not (as I once said) lavishly hazarded the credit of the chief Pillars of the Romish Church, upon a Triple falsity, as it were upon a Trey-trip, even by the confessions of their own Doctors.
Something will be expected to be said concerning Gratian. SECT. V. The Falshoods which are confessed to swarme in Gratian, the auncient compiler of the Decrees of Popes, Fathers and Councels.
Something will be expected to be said Concerning Gratian. SECT. V. The Falsehoods which Are confessed to swarm in Gratian, the ancient compiler of the Decrees of Popes, Father's and Counsels.
22. AFterwards the zeale, which Mr. Parsons hath, for the defence of the Romish Authors, transported him to iustifie their Gratian also, especially in one point, wherin notwithstanding his guilt will appeare to bee most transparant.
22. AFterwards the zeal, which Mr. Parsons hath, for the defence of the Romish Authors, transported him to justify their Gratian also, especially in one point, wherein notwithstanding his guilt will appear to be most transparent.
But now in generall their owne Antonius Augustinus, an Arch-bishop in Spaine, hath lately written a booke professedly for the purging of Gratian, whose faults he saith are Ità multa, &c. So many that they cannot be declared in one day: many false inscriptions of Authors;
But now in general their own Antonius Augustine, an Archbishop in Spain, hath lately written a book professedly for the purging of Gratian, whose Faults he Says Are Ità Multa, etc. So many that they cannot be declared in one day: many false inscriptions of Authors;
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23. Afterwards he proceedeth to vnfold many particular grosse, and dangerous vntruths of Gratian, the Compiler of the Decrees of Councels, and Popes, and of the Testimonies of Fathers; a worke which for diuers hundred yeeres was admitted for the publike directorie of the Doctors of the Romish Church.
23. Afterwards he Proceedeth to unfold many particular gross, and dangerous untruths of Gratian, the Compiler of the Decrees of Counsels, and Popes, and of the Testimonies of Father's; a work which for diverse hundred Years was admitted for the public directory of the Doctors of the Romish Church.
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and to play his Rhetoricall curuets, if that his Holy itch, (as hee calleth such his desire to be meddling with Protestants) had not mooued him, rather to calumniate the manisest truthes of his Aduersaries,
and to play his Rhetorical curvets, if that his Holy itch, (as he calls such his desire to be meddling with Protestants) had not moved him, rather to calumniate the manifest truths of his Adversaries,
If peraduenture these confessed corruptions in these their particular, but yet publike and famous Bookes, seeme not to our Reader sufficient to prooue Mr. Parsons his Distinctiue Note to be notoriously calumnious, wee haue further to acquaint him with that which followeth. SECT. VI. A generall practise of fraud in the Romish Church according as it is confessed by their owne Doctors.
If Peradventure these confessed corruptions in these their particular, but yet public and famous Books, seem not to our Reader sufficient to prove Mr. Parsons his Distinctive Note to be notoriously calumnious, we have further to acquaint him with that which follows. SECT. VI. A general practice of fraud in the Romish Church according as it is confessed by their own Doctors.
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Marsilius pursueth him further, saying, It need not be maruelled why we cannot alledge many for this opinion, he sheweth two reasons: the first is, Because this question is but new:
Marsilius pursueth him further, saying, It need not be marveled why we cannot allege many for this opinion, he shows two Reasons: the First is, Because this question is but new:
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so farre sometimes, as to chaunge visible into Inuisible? Besides they doe further so professe to deale with Auncient Authors, as either to suffer many errors (so they call the opinions,
so Far sometime, as to change visible into Invisible? Beside they do further so profess to deal with Ancient Authors, as either to suffer many errors (so they call the opinions,
27. The second kind of deceitfulnesse hath beene, belike, sensible ynough at Rome, seeing that their owne learned Doctor Espensaeus was forced to complaine thereof.
27. The second kind of deceitfulness hath been, belike, sensible enough At Room, seeing that their own learned Doctor Esparza was forced to complain thereof.
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When Pope Paulus 4. (saith he) did seriously affirme that hee intended to choose me into the order of Cardinals, I doe religiously sweare, that as often as I thought vpon the report of obteining the red Hat freely (which others hunted after for money, who were repulsed) I giue immortall thanks vnto God that he suffered not, I will not say,
When Pope Paulus 4. (Says he) did seriously affirm that he intended to choose me into the order of Cardinals, I do religiously swear, that as often as I Thought upon the report of obtaining the read Hat freely (which Others hunted After for money, who were repulsed) I give immortal thanks unto God that he suffered not, I will not say,
Now if Rome, which will seeme to bee the Metropolis of all sanctitie, become the Exchange of lying, we may suspect that Mr. Parsons, after his so long residence in that place, may happily haue receiued some taint.
Now if Room, which will seem to be the Metropolis of all sanctity, become the Exchange of lying, we may suspect that Mr. Parsons, After his so long residence in that place, may happily have received Some taint.
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This wee may trie by the confession of his owne Romish Authors, after that we haue first heard what he will say for himselfe. SECT. VII. Mr. PARSONS his protestation of his own Integritie. Master PARSONS Reckoning.
This we may try by the Confessi of his own Romish Authors, After that we have First herd what he will say for himself. SECT. VII. Mr. PARSONS his protestation of his own Integrity. Master PARSONS Reckoning.
but whosoeuer shall be found in a wilfull and witting falsitie, or rather falshood, that is knowen to be such by the vtterer, I doe thinke it to abhorre so much from the nature it selfe of an honest and ciuill man,
but whosoever shall be found in a wilful and witting falsity, or rather falsehood, that is known to be such by the utterer, I do think it to abhor so much from the nature it self of an honest and civil man,
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28. Mr. Parsons hath truely expressed the Character of an honest man, to wit, that he doth alwayes abhorre all wilfull falshood, and he will needs Canonize himselfe,
28. Mr. Parsons hath truly expressed the Character of an honest man, to wit, that he does always abhor all wilful falsehood, and he will needs Canonise himself,
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so that if Mr. Parsons protestation bee contradicted by his conuersation, then his writings (whereof we are to speake in the Chapters following) may be presumed to bee no truer then his other actions.
so that if Mr. Parsons protestation be contradicted by his Conversation, then his writings (whereof we Are to speak in the Chapters following) may be presumed to be no truer then his other actions.
And if in his morall behauiour he be a true man, then their twentie and eight Seminarie Priests were blacke Saints, who in their Appeale made vnto Pope Clement the eight, against the factions of the Iesuits, speaking of Master Parsons, note, Patrem Robertum praecipuum, &c. that is, Father Robert Parsons the chiefe Author of these factions:
And if in his moral behaviour he be a true man, then their twentie and eight Seminary Priests were black Saints, who in their Appeal made unto Pope Clement the eight, against the factions of the Iesuits, speaking of Master Parsons, note, Patrem Robertum praecipuum, etc. that is, Father Robert Parsons the chief Author of these factions:
And for a man, Dissembling to forewarne our Messengers (say they) whom we sent vnto your Holinesse, that they might escape the hands of them that layde watch to catch them,
And for a man, Dissembling to forewarn our Messengers (say they) whom we sent unto your Holiness, that they might escape the hands of them that laid watch to catch them,
29. This, and much more to this effect, was deliuered to the Pope against Mr. Parsons, by a grand Inquest of their owne Priests, in their ioynt Appeale vnto him, with whom they account it a damnable sinne to lie or equiuocate.
29. This, and much more to this Effect, was Delivered to the Pope against Mr. Parsons, by a grand Inquest of their own Priests, in their joint Appeal unto him, with whom they account it a damnable sin to lie or equivocate.
The summe wherof one of their Priests in his Quodlibets hath expressed, saying of Mr. Parsons, that He is the abstract and quintessence of all coggeries,
The sum whereof one of their Priests in his Quodlibets hath expressed, saying of Mr. Parsons, that He is the abstract and quintessence of all coggeries,
Notwithstanding I desire the good, Reader, that these imputations which are cast vpon him by his owne brotherhood, may not any whit preiudice his integritie,
Notwithstanding I desire the good, Reader, that these imputations which Are cast upon him by his own brotherhood, may not any whit prejudice his integrity,
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So that this Introduction may serue for a reduction of Mr. Parsons into a more Sober Reckoning, who doth pronounce his brethren to be free from that Maladie of falsifying;
So that this Introduction may serve for a reduction of Mr. Parsons into a more Sobrium Reckoning, who does pronounce his brothers to be free from that Malady of falsifying;
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1. WHether Mr. Parsons hath not greatly obscured and abused a place of Scripture, which serueth for an infallible conuiction of the Iewish infidelitie,
1. Whither Mr. Parsons hath not greatly obscured and abused a place of Scripture, which serveth for an infallible conviction of the Jewish infidelity,
therefore I neither may, nor will refuse a triall herein. I obiected Saint Augustine, &c. The summe of his answere followeth. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Therefore I neither may, nor will refuse a trial herein. I objected Saint Augustine, etc. The sum of his answer follows. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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I Aunswere, that S. Augustine argued well against the Souldiers by a Dilemnta, that if they were asleepe, they could not tell by any certaintie that Christ his Disciples stole him away,
I Answer, that S. Augustine argued well against the Soldiers by a Dilemnta, that if they were asleep, they could not tell by any certainty that christ his Disciples stole him away,
or admitted the same, if the proposition had bene against common sense. — I grant that the Souldiers could not know it for certaine, that the Disciples had stolne him away, but by probabilitie onely;
or admitted the same, if the proposition had be against Common sense. — I grant that the Soldiers could not know it for certain, that the Disciples had stolen him away, but by probability only;
Saint Chrysostome sheweth that the infatuation of the Iewes heerein was great, who, concerning this aunswere of the Souldiers [ Hee was stolne. ] (Which Mr. Parsons calleth Greatly probable ) saith that it was falsum, & minime probabile, that is, false, and no way probable. The same Father calleth the Priests, who were the diuisers of that aunswere, Impudent and audacious fellowes; whom Mr. Parsons would haue esteemed to haue been wise and politique. Yea,
Saint Chrysostom shows that the infatuation of the Iewes herein was great, who, Concerning this answer of the Soldiers [ He was stolen. ] (Which Mr. Parsons calls Greatly probable) Says that it was falsum, & minime probabile, that is, false, and no Way probable. The same Father calls the Priests, who were the diuisers of that answer, Impudent and audacious Fellows; whom Mr. Parsons would have esteemed to have been wise and politic. Yea,
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and I ansenius, their owne Bishop, saith that the speech of the Souldiers was Valdè absurdus &c. that is, Very absurd: notwithstanding, that it was beleeued of most of the Iewes, the speech being divulged among them, (as Saint Matthew noteth of his time ) euen vnto this day: His reason is,
and I ansenius, their own Bishop, Says that the speech of the Soldiers was Valdè absurdus etc. that is, Very absurd: notwithstanding, that it was believed of most of the Iewes, the speech being divulged among them, (as Saint Matthew notes of his time) even unto this day: His reason is,
as a speciall Argument of their infatuation and senselesnesse; which Mr. Parsons hath vrged to prooue that they aunswered, not without wisedome and policie. The second Conuincement.
as a special Argument of their infatuation and senselessness; which Mr. Parsons hath urged to prove that they answered, not without Wisdom and policy. The second Convincement.
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3. If wee first consider the persons, who sayd that they were a sleepe, Saint Matthew in the former Chapter, doth tell vs, that after the buriall of Christ, the chiefe Priests and Pharises came vnto Pilate, saying, Wee remember that this Seducer,
3. If we First Consider the Persons, who said that they were a sleep, Saint Matthew in the former Chapter, does tell us, that After the burial of christ, the chief Priests and Pharisees Come unto Pilate, saying, we Remember that this Seducer,
Here we see that the Priests and Pharisees, who accused Christ; the Souldiers also, who apprehended and crucified him, doe all conspire together to haue a diligent watch kept at Christ his Sepulcher,
Here we see that the Priests and Pharisees, who accused christ; the Soldiers also, who apprehended and Crucified him, do all conspire together to have a diligent watch kept At christ his Sepulcher,
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after all their zeale, care, and prouidence, lest his Disciples should come and steale him away: they date report that His Disciples came and stole him away;
After all their zeal, care, and providence, lest his Disciples should come and steal him away: they date report that His Disciples Come and stole him away;
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If any in regard of the negatiue part, had demaunded of them, saying, how know you that he is not risen? and heard them answer, saying, We know that hee did not rise,
If any in regard of the negative part, had demanded of them, saying, how know you that he is not risen? and herd them answer, saying, We know that he did not rise,
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5. Thirdly, if we consider the affirmatiue part, His Disciples him away, any might haue easily replied, saying, What his Disciples? They were the men, who for feare ranne away from him,
5. Thirdly, if we Consider the affirmative part, His Disciples him away, any might have Easily replied, saying, What his Disciples? They were the men, who for Fear ran away from him,
The Souldiers said they were asleep, & perswaded men, that Christ is not risen; the Disciples of Christa while after professed, that they saw Christ, and preached that he is risen; yet these Scribes, Pharisees, Pilate and others (whom M. Parsons hath renouned with the title of wise, & politique men ) did rather beleeue Souldiers Sleeping, then the Apostles Seeing. And is not this also senselesse? Let me adde the Collection of their owne Iesuite Salmeron: Who can beleeue (saith he) that all the men appointed for the watch had beenc asleepe? Or how could they discerne that the Apostles tooke away his bodie, seeing that they were all asleepe? By these interrogatories implying that the answere was senselesse.
The Soldiers said they were asleep, & persuaded men, that christ is not risen; the Disciples of Christ while After professed, that they saw christ, and preached that he is risen; yet these Scribes, Pharisees, Pilate and Others (whom M. Parsons hath renowned with the title of wise, & politic men) did rather believe Soldiers Sleeping, then the Apostles Seeing. And is not this also senseless? Let me add the Collection of their own Iesuite Salmeron: Who can believe (Says he) that all the men appointed for the watch had beenc asleep? Or how could they discern that the Apostles took away his body, seeing that they were all asleep? By these interrogatories implying that the answer was senseless.
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6. We haue heard Mast. Parsons arguing, that The Priests, Doctors, and principall Iewes of the Synagogue were worldly-wise men, and inferring hereupon, that therefore they may not be thought to haue deuised any fond or Senselesse Answer:
6. We have herd Mast. Parsons arguing, that The Priests, Doctors, and principal Iewes of the Synagogue were worldly-wise men, and inferring hereupon, that Therefore they may not be Thought to have devised any found or Senseless Answer:
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Which is all one, as if he had said with one breath, it was not possible for these wise men to doe senselesly and fondly, who notwithstanding did fondly and senselesly:
Which is all one, as if he had said with one breath, it was not possible for these wise men to do senselessly and fondly, who notwithstanding did fondly and senselessly:
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Thirdly, when we examine Mast. Parsons his own words, concerning the wisedome and fondnes of the Iewish Priests, we finde his confession to vndermine his former consequence.
Thirdly, when we examine Mast. Parsons his own words, Concerning the Wisdom and fondness of the Jewish Priests, we find his Confessi to undermine his former consequence.
8. These three Obseruations will easily prooue, that if according vnto M. Parsons his poesie of his Reckoning, taken out of Dan. 5. 27. ( viz. You are weighed in the ballance,
8. These three Observations will Easily prove, that if according unto M. Parsons his poesy of his Reckoning, taken out of Dan. 5. 27. (viz. You Are weighed in the balance,
9. The next point of this Reckoning concerneth M. Parsons his falshood, in not acknowledging the Clause of Reseruation to haue beene set downe in Latine:
9. The next point of this Reckoning concerns M. Parsons his falsehood, in not acknowledging the Clause of Reservation to have been Set down in Latin:
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And is not this a strange euasion in him that professeth such skill in Logike? for that the art of Logike, to my knowledge, admitteth but foure kinds of reasoning, to wit, Syllogismes, Enthymemes, Inductions, and Examples: but this of Mr. Mortons can be none of the latter three sorts (as himselfe, I suppose, will confesse) Ergo, it must be the first, which is a Syllogisme,
And is not this a strange evasion in him that Professes such skill in Logic? for that the art of Logic, to my knowledge, admitteth but foure Kinds of reasoning, to wit, Syllogisms, Enthymemes, Inductions, and Examples: but this of Mr. Mortons can be none of the latter three sorts (as himself, I suppose, will confess) Ergo, it must be the First, which is a Syllogism,
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11. Although there be but foure generall and ordinary heads of arguing, yet ought you to haue remembred that Logicians doe acknowledge a kinde of Reasoning, which they cal a Prosyllogisme, hauing the premises consisting of superfluous termes, which notwithstanding may serue to make new Inferences,
11. Although there be but foure general and ordinary Heads of arguing, yet ought you to have remembered that Logicians do acknowledge a kind of Reasoning, which they call a Prosyllogism, having the premises consisting of superfluous terms, which notwithstanding may serve to make new Inferences,
and is neyther right Syllogisme, Enthymeme, Induction, or Example, albeit all Schollers do hold it to be a tollerable manner of arguing, and yet admitteth a Maior.
and is neither right Syllogism, Enthymeme, Induction, or Exampl, albeit all Scholars do hold it to be a tolerable manner of arguing, and yet admitteth a Maior.
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who talketh of often Blushing, whereof himselfe may haue a necessary vse in his next Answere following, which he maketh in defence of his owne Syllogisme, wherein he thought to expresse his best skill.
who talketh of often Blushing, whereof himself may have a necessary use in his next Answer following, which he makes in defence of his own Syllogism, wherein he Thought to express his best skill.
14. You dare not (Mr. Parsons ) answere your owne Sophisters thus, for they would readily replie, saying, Sir, you vndertooke to make a Syllogisme according to the rules of Logique:
14. You Dare not (Mr. Parsons) answer your own Sophisters thus, for they would readily reply, saying, Sir, you undertook to make a Syllogism according to the rules of Logic:
〈 ◊ 〉 Aristotle, that Oracle of Reasoning, and all Logicians define Syllogizing to be a forme of arguing, NONLATINALPHABET, &c. which 〈 ◊ 〉 of the partes, which are expresly set downe. So that he that will say, that it is a perfect forme of a Syllogisme, wherein any thing belonging thereunto is but vertually vnderstood, may as well proue that the picture of a mans face, which hath neither eyes nor nose, and say that it wanteth neither eyes nor nose, because any may suppose, that they should be on the face.
〈 ◊ 〉 Aristotle, that Oracle of Reasoning, and all Logicians define Syllogizing to be a Form of arguing,, etc. which 〈 ◊ 〉 of the parts, which Are expressly Set down. So that he that will say, that it is a perfect Form of a Syllogism, wherein any thing belonging thereunto is but virtually understood, may as well prove that the picture of a men face, which hath neither eyes nor nose, and say that it Wants neither eyes nor nose, Because any may suppose, that they should be on the face.
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15. But the most capitall fault remaineth, which is the changing of the verbe [ Maketh ] competent Iudges (which is the Maior proposition ) into [ Are ] competent Iudges, in the conclusion.
15. But the most capital fault remains, which is the changing of the verb [ Makes ] competent Judges (which is the Mayor proposition) into [ are ] competent Judges, in the conclusion.
16. Lastly and thirdly, M. Parsons? then you will perswade your Reader that this (concerning the wordes, Expresly, &c. ) was the Last quarrell, as you call it, against your Syllogisme. This is as egregious a fraude,
16. Lastly and Thirdly, M. Parsons? then you will persuade your Reader that this (Concerning the words, Expressly, etc.) was the Last quarrel, as you call it, against your Syllogism. This is as egregious a fraud,
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I will not vpon this aduantage prosecute him with his owne tearmes of Witting fraude, cousenage and grosse lying: I am glad to perceiue in this his dessembling, that he hath so much grace as to be ashamed of his ignorance.
I will not upon this advantage prosecute him with his own terms of Witting fraud, cozenage and gross lying: I am glad to perceive in this his dissembling, that he hath so much grace as to be ashamed of his ignorance.
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& to put vs off only with Ifs and Ands, viz. If you would prosecute it at large, &c. Heretofore, wheresoeuer you thought there was a cause of some reprehension of a Syllogisme, you could take the paines to reade a Lecture, instructing your Reader in the knowledge of the partes and termes of a Syllogisme, setting before him a scurrill example fraught with ridiculous scofferie:
& to put us off only with Ifs and Ands, viz. If you would prosecute it At large, etc. Heretofore, wheresoever you Thought there was a cause of Some reprehension of a Syllogism, you could take the pains to read a Lecture, instructing your Reader in the knowledge of the parts and terms of a Syllogism, setting before him a scurrill Exampl fraught with ridiculous scoffery:
Or, A formall lie, when the speaker doth know it to be fals Here M. Parsons exacteth that I should haue said A materiall lying Equiuocation, A formall lying Equiuocation;
Or, A formal lie, when the speaker does know it to be falls Here M. Parsons exacteth that I should have said A material lying Equivocation, A formal lying Equivocation;
and the omission hereof he termeth craft: but hee will finde out his owne folly (I doubt not) after that he hath more soberly considered, that these words, Alying Equiuocation, being subdiuided into these members, Materiall, Formall;
and the omission hereof he termeth craft: but he will find out his own folly (I doubt not) After that he hath more soberly considered, that these words, Allying Equivocation, being subdivided into these members, Material, Formal;
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19. The foure next points, wherein M. Parsons hath beene charged with falshood, as first concerning the allegation of the text of Esay; secondly the testimony of Carerius, about Verè and Verò; thirdly, the testimony of Dolman, alias Parsons, about the admitting of a King;
19. The foure next points, wherein M. Parsons hath been charged with falsehood, as First Concerning the allegation of the text of Isaiah; secondly the testimony of Carerius, about Vere and Verò; Thirdly, the testimony of Dolman, alias Parsons, about the admitting of a King;
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fourthly, the testimony of Otto Frisingensis, about Pope Gregory the seuenth, alias Hildebrand, are by him repeated afterwards in their more proper places,
fourthly, the testimony of Otto Freisingensis, about Pope Gregory the Seventh, alias Hildebrand, Are by him repeated afterwards in their more proper places,
HE bringeth in a scornefull fixion, in stead of sound arguments, by feigning a ridiculous conference or Colloquie in a Stage-play betweene the Mitigator and Moderator: wherein he himselfe may seeme to play the Vice, &c. The Reuìew.
HE brings in a scornful fixion, in stead of found Arguments, by feigning a ridiculous conference or Colloquy in a Stageplay between the Mitigator and Moderator: wherein he himself may seem to play the Vice, etc. The Reuìew.
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Such an one as their owne Priest hath expressed M. Parsons to be, calling him a Great Polypragmon: So that he shall not neede to seeke abroad for a Vice. Well it were if he plaid that part in iest,
Such an one as their own Priest hath expressed M. Parsons to be, calling him a Great Polypragmon: So that he shall not need to seek abroad for a Vice. Well it were if he played that part in jest,
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2. Whether Mr. Parsons did not betray his cause, euen by the title of his Mitigation? saying, It is not possible for his Romish Clients to liue in obedience and subiection vnder his Maiestie of Great Britaine.
2. Whither Mr. Parsons did not betray his cause, even by the title of his Mitigation? saying, It is not possible for his Romish Clients to live in Obedience and subjection under his Majesty of Great Britain.
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This I iudged to be a Title maruelously preiudiciall vnto them, in whose behalfe hee published his Mitigation. Let vs see how soberly M. Parsons will discharge himselfe. Master PARSONS his Reckoning.
This I judged to be a Title marvelously prejudicial unto them, in whose behalf he published his Mitigation. Let us see how soberly M. Parsons will discharge himself. Master PARSONS his Reckoning.
THis Inference is a meere cauilling of a seditious spirit, for that my writing aunswereth directly vnto the purport of his seditious Booke, saying, that it was impossible for Catholicke subiects to liue quietly in his Maiesties Kingdome:
THis Inference is a mere cavilling of a seditious Spirit, for that my writing Answers directly unto the purport of his seditious Book, saying, that it was impossible for Catholic Subjects to live quietly in his Majesties Kingdom:
to wit, that howsoeuer this answer (if it were true) might confront your Aduersary T. M. against whom you writ (who said that It is impossible forthem, whom you haue inspired, to performe due subiection) yet could it not satisfie the States of our land, to whom you writ, who seeke in a dutifull Allegeance, not a constrained, but a voluntarie;
to wit, that howsoever this answer (if it were true) might confront your Adversary T. M. against whom you writ (who said that It is impossible forthem, whom you have inspired, to perform due subjection) yet could it not satisfy the States of our land, to whom you writ, who seek in a dutiful Allegiance, not a constrained, but a voluntary;
nor a suspicious, but a religious possibilitie of subiection, which alwayes (according to the Oath of Allegeance) inferreth an impossibilitie of being rebellious:
nor a suspicious, but a religious possibility of subjection, which always (according to the Oath of Allegiance) infers an impossibility of being rebellious:
nor can they be contented with your may, but with a must be subiect, as then I told you out of the Apostles doctrine, commaunding Euery soule to submit it selfe vnto the powers that be:
nor can they be contented with your may, but with a must be Subject, as then I told you out of the Apostles Doctrine, commanding Every soul to submit it self unto the Powers that be:
explained by Saint Augustine: The Apostle saying (saith he) that [ It is necessarie that we be subiect, ] lest that any might not performe this in loue,
explained by Saint Augustine: The Apostle saying (Says he) that [ It is necessary that we be Subject, ] lest that any might not perform this in love,
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but dutifully in good conscience, in loue of him (that is God) who commandeth subiection: as in another place he commandeth seruants to obey their iniurious Masters, but not with eye-seruice,
but dutifully in good conscience, in love of him (that is God) who commands subjection: as in Another place he commands Servants to obey their injurious Masters, but not with eyeservice,
how could you but giue cause of iealousie vnto our kingdome by that your Title, which will promise no more but that [ It is not impossible to liue in subiection? ] In the end,
how could you but give cause of jealousy unto our Kingdom by that your Title, which will promise no more but that [ It is not impossible to live in subjection? ] In the end,
ALthough this [ It is not Impossible ] doe containe but in generalitie, yet doth it suppose all necessarie conditions, that are to be required for performance:
ALthough this [ It is not Impossible ] do contain but in generality, yet does it suppose all necessary conditions, that Are to be required for performance:
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5. I propounded vnto Mr. Parsons a contrary similitude, to wit, If a wife, to mitigate her husbands ielousie, occasioned by her loose behauiour, should seeke to satissie him by saying, be cōtented good husband, it is not impossible for me to become an honest woman hereafter:
5. I propounded unto Mr. Parsons a contrary similitude, to wit, If a wife, to mitigate her Husbands jealousy, occasioned by her lose behaviour, should seek to satissie him by saying, be contented good husband, it is not impossible for me to become an honest woman hereafter:
whether her husband wold take this for a iust Mitigation. This any one may know to be an agreeable and proportionable Similitude, which Mr. Parsons hath not aunswered vnto;
whither her husband would take this for a just Mitigation. This any one may know to be an agreeable and proportionable Similitude, which Mr. Parsons hath not answered unto;
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but concealed, that he might more liberally (which by his leaue, is a peece of fine craft) call my assertion vaine and impertinent: as followeth. Mr. PARSONOS Reckoning.
but concealed, that he might more liberally (which by his leave, is a piece of fine craft) call my assertion vain and impertinent: as follows. Mr. PARSONOS Reckoning.
6. These words, It is not impossible, by true equipollency, doe they signifie any more but, It is possible? and so è contra. As for example, he that should commend Mr. Parsons saying, It is not impossible for him to write moderately, saith no more, according to the rule of equipollency,
6. These words, It is not impossible, by true equipollency, do they signify any more but, It is possible? and so è contra. As for Exampl, he that should commend Mr. Parsons saying, It is not impossible for him to write moderately, Says no more, according to the Rule of equipollency,
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7. HE said that Christ together with the commission in spirituall affaires, gaue vnto Peters successors a charge and ouersight of temporalities in like manner, with authoritie to proceede against temporall Gouernours,
7. HE said that christ together with the commission in spiritual affairs, gave unto Peter's Successors a charge and oversight of temporalities in like manner, with Authority to proceed against temporal Governors,
for defence and preseruation of his spirituall charge; whether directly, as commonly Canonists teach, or indirectly, as Diuines hold, there is no difference,
for defence and preservation of his spiritual charge; whither directly, as commonly Canonists teach, or indirectly, as Divines hold, there is no difference,
Heere is an aduancing of a power in temporall affaires ouer a King, which I thought could no more possibly consist with the Ciuill Oath of Allegeance in our land, whereby all forraine Iurisdiction in such cases is excluded,
Here is an advancing of a power in temporal affairs over a King, which I Thought could no more possibly consist with the Civil Oath of Allegiance in our land, whereby all foreign Jurisdiction in such cases is excluded,
WHereto I aunswere, that in beliefe and Doctrine they cannot be reconciled, but in ciuill life and conuersation and practise of due temporall obedience, they may be no lesse (for any thing touching this point) then if they were al of one Religion,
WHereto I answer, that in belief and Doctrine they cannot be reconciled, but in civil life and Conversation and practice of due temporal Obedience, they may be no less (for any thing touching this point) then if they were all of one Religion,
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If I shall replie and say, that you will not agree with vs in the Doctrine concerning Ciuill Conuersation, Ergo, you will not agree with vs in Ciuill Conuersation:
If I shall reply and say, that you will not agree with us in the Doctrine Concerning Civil Conversation, Ergo, you will not agree with us in Civil Conversation:
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can you possibly shape me any sensible aunswere? For seeing it is your doctrine to excommunicate and roote out all Protestants as Heretickes, whensoeuer there is an opportunitie to proccede against them by armes or otherwise:
can you possibly shape me any sensible answer? For seeing it is your Doctrine to excommunicate and root out all Protestants as Heretics, whensoever there is an opportunity to proccede against them by arms or otherwise:
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Shall any looke for Grapes of Thornes, or Figges of Thistles? Can any expect a Ciuill practise from such vnciuill and brutish positions and doctrines? SECT. III.
Shall any look for Grapes of Thorns, or Figs of Thistles? Can any expect a Civil practice from such Uncivil and brutish positions and doctrines? SECT. III.
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9. IT was demaunded, how farre it pleased Mr. Parsons to extend the Papall power in temporall affaires, against such as doe contradict his spirituall Iurisdiction? He tolde vs that Two Protestant Prmces were excommunicated consured,
9. IT was demanded, how Far it pleased Mr. Parsons to extend the Papal power in temporal affairs, against such as do contradict his spiritual Jurisdiction? He told us that Two Protestant Prmces were excommunicated consured,
the first of these two for the violent chaunge of Religion which she made in the Realme, with depriuations and imprisouments of Catholicke Bishops, Prelates,
the First of these two for the violent change of Religion which she made in the Realm, with deprivations and imprisouments of Catholic Bishops, Prelates,
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and Clergie, &c. The other, for feare he, comming to the Crowne of France in that disposition, wherein hee then was presumed to bee, should attempt the like chaunge in that great kingdome, &c. These examples (said I) are both plaine and pregnant.
and Clergy, etc. The other, for Fear he, coming to the Crown of France in that disposition, wherein he then was presumed to be, should attempt the like change in that great Kingdom, etc. These Examples (said I) Are both plain and pregnant.
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A Protestant Queene must be depriued for resisting the spirituall Iurisdiction of the Pope, and a Protestant King must bee also deposed, least peraduenture he may make any resistance.
A Protestant Queen must be deprived for resisting the spiritual Jurisdiction of the Pope, and a Protestant King must be also deposed, lest Peradventure he may make any resistance.
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Now, we see, that the same Papall authoritie is by the lawes of Greate Britaine as expressely excluded; their Religion suppressed, their Clergie exiled,
Now, we see, that the same Papal Authority is by the laws of Great Britain as expressly excluded; their Religion suppressed, their Clergy exiled,
Chaunge, and Continuance of the same Religion, to be matched and married together. Thus then, and now I am ready to take his Reckoning. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Change, and Continuance of the same Religion, to be matched and married together. Thus then, and now I am ready to take his Reckoning. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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for they concerne onely the Excommunication of Q. Elizabeth, and of king Henrie the fourth of France, which censure was promulgated by two seuerall Popes of this our age,
for they concern only the Excommunication of Q. Elizabeth, and of King Henry the fourth of France, which censure was promulgated by two several Popes of this our age,
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and consequently the doctrine is dangerous (saith he.) But I haue shewed now, that more then three times so many Protestant Princes were tolerated by other Popes.
and consequently the Doctrine is dangerous (Says he.) But I have showed now, that more then three times so many Protestant Princes were tolerated by other Popes.
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10. When he hath the matter so fully and plainely layde before his eyes, and is challenged to make an aunswere, hee telleth vs that he cannot see. Is this a Sober, and not rather a sorie Reckoning? Notwithstanding it was (I must needs say) a point of wisedome in him,
10. When he hath the matter so Fully and plainly laid before his eyes, and is challenged to make an answer, he Telleth us that he cannot see. Is this a Sobrium, and not rather a sorry Reckoning? Notwithstanding it was (I must needs say) a point of Wisdom in him,
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In which Art, our Aduersaries are not altogether vnexperienced, for their owne Marsilius noteth this to haue beene practised by Cardinall Bellarmine, Who, according to his fashion (saith Marsilius) faigneth himselfe to bee ignorant of the force of an argument, which he cannot aunswere.
In which Art, our Adversaries Are not altogether unexperienced, for their own Marsilius notes this to have been practised by Cardinal Bellarmine, Who, according to his fashion (Says Marsilius) feighneth himself to be ignorant of the force of an argument, which he cannot answer.
Answered saying, Soft a while, Sir, for were it not great madnesse in me, if I should seeke to loose that, which whilest it is bound doth so greatly vexe and torment me?
Answered saying, Soft a while, Sir, for were it not great madness in me, if I should seek to lose that, which whilst it is bound does so greatly vex and torment me?
11. Thus it fareth with Mr. Parsons: for the reason of this Impossibilitie was taken not onely from the Excommunication of Princes: but from the Deposing of them,
11. Thus it fareth with Mr. Parsons: for the reason of this Impossibility was taken not only from the Excommunication of Princes: but from the Deposing of them,
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This deposing of Kings from their Kingdomes inferred, as I then sayd, as much an Impossibilitie as King, and no King. And this consequence diuers Romish Doctors will readily confesse to be most true.
This deposing of Kings from their Kingdoms inferred, as I then said, as much an Impossibility as King, and no King. And this consequence diverse Romish Doctors will readily confess to be most true.
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12. When furthermore we demaund of Mr. Parsons (seeing they teach an eradicatiō of Princes, who will stand excōmunicate) how it cōmeth to passe thatsome Protestant Princes haue not bin molested? He, by way of preoccupation, telleth vs that such Protestant Princes were tolerated-by other Popes.
12. When furthermore we demand of Mr. Parsons (seeing they teach an eradication of Princes, who will stand excommunicate) how it comes to pass thatsome Protestant Princes have not been molested? He, by Way of preoccupation, Telleth us that such Protestant Princes were tolerated-by other Popes.
Are not now al Protestāt Princes much beholden to Mr. Parsons who alloweth thētheir Crowns only vpon the Popes Toleration? He thought that I was somewhat Obscure in my former reason, but I suppose that his Clients will iudge that hee hath beene too plaine in this aunswere, in saying, that Protestant Princes haue beene but tolerated by other Popes: to wit, onely so long (as others haue professed) vntill they haue power to resist: who seeth not this aunswere to bee intolerably treaherous, allowing no better Toleration of such Kings,
are not now all Protestant Princes much beholden to Mr. Parsons who alloweth thentheir Crowns only upon the Popes Toleration? He Thought that I was somewhat Obscure in my former reason, but I suppose that his Clients will judge that he hath been too plain in this answer, in saying, that Protestant Princes have been but tolerated by other Popes: to wit, only so long (as Others have professed) until they have power to resist: who sees not this answer to be intolerably treaherous, allowing no better Toleration of such Kings,
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then kings oftentimes doe in tolerating of Rebels, which is Tolerare dones possint tollere. So that, in very deed, the aunswere which Mr. Parsons offereth,
then Kings oftentimes do in tolerating of Rebels, which is Tolerare dones possint tollere. So that, in very deed, the answer which Mr. Parsons Offereth,
for confutation of the obiected Impossibility of due subiection, doth more strongly confirme it. SECT. IIII. The third Argument of Impossibilitie. The charge against Mr. PARSONS.
for confutation of the objected Impossibility of due subjection, does more strongly confirm it. SECT. IIII. The third Argument of Impossibility. The charge against Mr. PARSONS.
13. THis was taken from the practicall Bull of Pius Quintus, in Anathematizing our late Queene, in depriuing her of all Regall dignitie, in absoluing her subiects from their Allegeance;
13. THis was taken from the practical Bull of Pius Quintus, in Anathematizing our late Queen, in depriving her of all Regal dignity, in absolving her Subjects from their Allegiance;
and from Mr. Parsons too tender a touch of that desperate Powder-treason, calling it a Temerarious fact, &c. For both which he is to Recken. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
and from Mr. Parsons too tender a touch of that desperate Powder treason, calling it a Temerarious fact, etc. For both which he is to Reckon. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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14. If Mr. Parsons see not, that by dissoluing of the Oath of Allegeance, there is excluded all possibilitie of due subiection, the fault is to be imputed rather to his will, then to his wit.
14. If Mr. Parsons see not, that by dissolving of the Oath of Allegiance, there is excluded all possibility of due subjection, the fault is to be imputed rather to his will, then to his wit.
And who seeth not that this concealement is guilefull? which kind of aunswering may bee called Quiet indeede, but no Reckoning at all. The fourth reason of Impossibilitie: and charge against Master PARSONS.
And who sees not that this concealment is guileful? which kind of answering may be called Quiet indeed, but no Reckoning At all. The fourth reason of Impossibility: and charge against Master PARSONS.
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For now that May shall bee something: but when they speake of subiection to Protestant Kings, his May is but a meteor, as wee shall see. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
For now that May shall be something: but when they speak of subjection to Protestant Kings, his May is but a meteor, as we shall see. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
17. I beleeue you, for this your position [ Romanists may possibly bee obedient subiects, ] doth not by your doctrine inferre necessarily that they must be obedient,
17. I believe you, for this your position [ Romanists may possibly be obedient Subjects, ] does not by your Doctrine infer necessarily that they must be obedient,
but yet your may for the eradicating and rooting out of your opposites doth, by your doctrine, necessarily inferre a must, as often as you may finde power to performe it,
but yet your may for the eradicating and rooting out of your opposites does, by your Doctrine, necessarily infer a must, as often as you may find power to perform it,
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18. All these were in that Reason expresly vrged, the Authours cyted, and now M. Parsons hath fraudulently concealed, as though this his Answere ( viz. May be, doth not inferre a Must ) had not beene so much as thought on before.
18. All these were in that Reason expressly urged, the Authors cited, and now M. Parsons hath fraudulently concealed, as though this his Answer (viz. May be, does not infer a Must) had not been so much as Thought on before.
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TRuely in this point I see not, what probabilities may be in reason, to perswade his Maiestie that his Catholique subiects would not liue quietly and confidently vnder him,
Truly in this point I see not, what probabilities may be in reason, to persuade his Majesty that his Catholic Subjects would not live quietly and confidently under him,
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19. If your Catholickes ( M. Parsons ) may be vsed as Subiects? Let me entreate you for some few minutes of time, to take vpon you the face of an ingenuous man,
19. If your Catholics (M. Parsons) may be used as Subjects? Let me entreat you for Some few minutes of time, to take upon you the face of an ingenuous man,
when you said that His Maiesties milde and sweete respect towards Catholikes at his first entrance, was soone by arte of their enemies auerted, long before the Conspiracie fell out,
when you said that His Majesties mild and sweet respect towards Catholics At his First Entrance, was soon by art of their enemies averted, long before the conspiracy fell out,
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for that not onely all the most cruell Statutes and penall lawes made by Q. Elizabeth were renued and confirmed before this, with addition of others, tending to no lesse rigour and acerbity,
for that not only all the most cruel Statutes and penal laws made by Q. Elizabeth were renewed and confirmed before this, with addition of Others, tending to no less rigour and acerbity,
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But to proceed a little further in the narration of some points of heauie persecution, which ensued soone after his Maiesties being in England, much before the Powder-treason was attempted.
But to proceed a little further in the narration of Some points of heavy persecution, which ensued soon After his Majesties being in England, much before the Powder treason was attempted.
One word more. What, I pray you, do you thinke of the Powder-men, who liued at libertie in great ryote? They were halfe a score young Gentlemen, put in despaire by apprehension of publique persecution, without demerit of the persecuted.
One word more. What, I pray you, do you think of the Powder-men, who lived At liberty in great riot? They were half a score young Gentlemen, put in despair by apprehension of public persecution, without demerit of the persecuted.
Well then, it is plaine that youacknowledg no Probability of quiet Subiection in your Catholiques, to wards his Maiestie, further then that they are vsed as Subiects: but (say you) they are vexed with intollerable violence, new angariations, and persecutions, without their demerit.
Well then, it is plain that youacknowledg no Probability of quiet Subjection in your Catholics, to wards his Majesty, further then that they Are used as Subjects: but (say you) they Are vexed with intolerable violence, new angariations, and persecutions, without their demerit.
20. I willingly omit, as friuolous, his next descant vpon a Red-rose. and a White: for albeit there is Now no difference of Titles betweene the Red-rose, and the White;
20. I willingly omit, as frivolous, his next descant upon a Red-rose. and a White: for albeit there is Now no difference of Titles between the Red-rose, and the White;
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yet is there oddes betweene loyall subiection, and treasonable Positions and practises, which end in blood as redde as any Rose. SICT. V. An Addition vnto the former Impossibilities.
yet is there odds between loyal subjection, and treasonable Positions and practises, which end in blood as red as any Rose. SICT. V. an Addition unto the former Impossibilities.
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21. VNto the former Argument I added, as an assistant, your professed Couert of Mentall Reseruation, vsed by you in your examinations for a cloake of much perfidiousnesse, which worketh an Impossibility of discouery,
21. Unto the former Argument I added, as an assistant, your professed Covert of Mental Reservation, used by you in your examinations for a cloak of much perfidiousness, which works an Impossibility of discovery,
THat we may equiuocate before incompetent Iudges, and that the Lay-Iudges in England are incompetent to examine Priests, may be as well vsed for an argument to proue, that Lay-men and Priests cannot liue together in Spaine and Italy,
THat we may equivocate before incompetent Judges, and that the Lay-Iudges in England Are incompetent to examine Priests, may be as well used for an argument to prove, that Laymen and Priests cannot live together in Spain and Italy,
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and other Catholike countries, for that there also Lay-men are incompetent Iudges in Clergie-mens causes, and so are Clergy-men themselues, if they haue no lawfull Iurisdiction, or proceede not lawfully. The Reuiew.
and other Catholic countries, for that there also Laymen Are incompetent Judges in Clergymen's Causes, and so Are Clergymen themselves, if they have no lawful Jurisdiction, or proceed not lawfully. The Reuiew.
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22 Thus you answere only for iustification of your Priests, we see by this the notable prerogatiue of a Romish Priest, to wit, whensoeuer he commeth to be examined before a LayMagistrate, he is priuiledged to Equiuocate, because Lay-Magistrates (according to M. Parsons doctrine) are unto them Iudges incompetent.
22 Thus you answer only for justification of your Priests, we see by this the notable prerogative of a Romish Priest, to wit, whensoever he comes to be examined before a LayMagistrate, he is privileged to Equivocate, Because Lay-Magistrates (according to M. Parsons Doctrine) Are unto them Judges incompetent.
but your more sober Authours dare confute them, as we read in their Marsilius, to wit, The Exemption of Ecclesiasticall persons in temporall and criminall matters, Medina rest. q. 15. a most sound and Catholique Authour saith, is not prescribed in any place of Scripture,
but your more Sobrium Authors Dare confute them, as we read in their Marsilius, to wit, The Exemption of Ecclesiastical Persons in temporal and criminal matters, Medina rest. q. 15. a most found and Catholic Author Says, is not prescribed in any place of Scripture,
and concludeth that it is not by Diuine law; Couarruvias lib. pract. ca. 31. conclus. 2. is of the same opinion who is also a solid, and Catholique Authour:
and Concludeth that it is not by Divine law; Covarrubias lib. pract. circa 31. Conclusion. 2. is of the same opinion who is also a solid, and Catholic Author:
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So he. It must therefore follow, that all such Exemption proceeded from humane indulgence; and may vpon humane necessity be altered againe: neither is that prerogatiue vniuersall:
So he. It must Therefore follow, that all such Exemption proceeded from humane indulgence; and may upon humane necessity be altered again: neither is that prerogative universal:
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but in England they hold both lay and spirituall Gouernours to bee in like cases altogether incompetent; and therefore the Argument of Impossibilitie is more in England then it can bee eyther in Spaine or Italy: yet this was the best shift that Mast. Parsons could make, to confound two cases of England and Spaine. which are no lesse different then England and Spaine. CHAP. IIII.
but in England they hold both lay and spiritual Governors to be in like cases altogether incompetent; and Therefore the Argument of Impossibility is more in England then it can be either in Spain or Italy: yet this was the best shift that Mast. Parsons could make, to confound two cases of England and Spain. which Are no less different then England and Spain. CHAP. IIII.
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A briefe Discourse, concerning Mentall Equiuocation; proouing that M. PARSONS, by one Grant, hath ouerthrowne his defence of Mentall Reseruation. SECT. I.
A brief Discourse, Concerning Mental Equivocation; proving that M. PARSONS, by one Grant, hath overthrown his defence of Mental Reservation. SECT. I.
If you can procure Charles Pagets booke (saith hee) against Father Parsons, you shall finde the Foxe so vncased, and left so naked of all honesty, wisedome,
If you can procure Charles Pagets book (Says he) against Father Parsons, you shall find the Fox so uncased, and left so naked of all honesty, Wisdom,
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3. I haue seene your Reckoning Master Parsons, wherein with the sweate of your braines, you haue forced your wit to defend a desperate cause with no small confidence.
3. I have seen your Reckoning Master Parsons, wherein with the sweat of your brains, you have forced your wit to defend a desperate cause with no small confidence.
How now would my Reader heare this noble Equiuocator confuted? By Fathers? or by his owne Doctors? or by sensible Reasons? This will be no hard matter to performe,
How now would my Reader hear this noble Equivocator confuted? By Father's? or by his own Doctors? or by sensible Reasons? This will be no hard matter to perform,
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And this, you see, is no otherwise then if a bare and broken Debtor, hauing beene long called vpon to pay his debts, should step forth at length in a vaunt before a multitude, saying to his Creditor, Come Sir, What sort of gold will you be paid in? Will you haue it in Spanish Pistolets? Portugall Cruzadoes? French Crownes? Zechnies of Venice? Dallers of Germanie? or English Angels? And his Creditor shall answere him, Sir, any kind of coyne would content mee,
And this, you see, is not otherwise then if a bore and broken Debtor, having been long called upon to pay his debts, should step forth At length in a vaunt before a multitude, saying to his Creditor, Come Sir, What sort of gold will you be paid in? Will you have it in Spanish Pistolets? Portugal Cruzadoes? French Crowns? Zechnies of Venice? Dallers of Germany? or English Angels? And his Creditor shall answer him, Sir, any kind of coin would content me,
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And were this now substantial dealing for satisfaction of his creditors? And doth not Mr. Morton the very like, that asking heere the Reader whether he would haue Fathers, Doctors,
And were this now substantial dealing for satisfaction of his creditors? And does not Mr. Mortonum the very like, that asking Here the Reader whither he would have Father's, Doctors,
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4. Take heed, M. Parsons, your Reader will suspect that you will turne a Trapezita and Bancker, for you are so skilfull in coyne, as though you had serued some apprentishippe in the trade:
4. Take heed, M. Parsons, your Reader will suspect that you will turn a Trapezita and Bancker, for you Are so skilful in coin, as though you had served Some apprentishippe in the trade:
for which cause you haue beene noted by your owne fellowes for The abstract quintessence of all coynes and coggeries, one point wherof you haue bewrayed euen in this your ridiculous figment:
for which cause you have been noted by your own Fellows for The abstract quintessence of all coins and coggeries, one point whereof you have bewrayed even in this your ridiculous figment:
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or Fathers, or Reasons? I added, that for the present I thought it a more glorious Victorie to confute him, (that is, M. Parsons ) by his own Assertion. Wherein I dealt with M. Parsons, not as with a Creditor (for alas what credite is there in an AEquiuocator? ) but as a man would doe with a cousener, whom although I might haue conuinced by witnesses and sound Arguments,
or Father's, or Reasons? I added, that for the present I Thought it a more glorious Victory to confute him, (that is, M. Parsons) by his own Assertion. Wherein I dealt with M. Parsons, not as with a Creditor (for alas what credit is there in an Equivocator?) but as a man would do with a cozener, whom although I might have convinced by Witnesses and found Arguments,
5. Notwithstanding M. Parsons (a sober Reckoner forsooth) hath called this kind of dealing an Arte of Mountebankes. But, I hope, he will haue cause to say I deale not vnhonestly with him,
5. Notwithstanding M. Parsons (a Sobrium Reckoner forsooth) hath called this kind of dealing an Art of Mountebanks. But, I hope, he will have cause to say I deal not unhonestly with him,
6. COncerning the answere of Saphyra in the Acts of the Apostles, who being demaunded by Saint Peter, whether she Sould the land for so much, answered,
6. Concerning the answer of Saphyra in the Acts of the Apostles, who being demanded by Saint Peter, whither she Should the land for so much, answered,
M. Parsons vpon supposall of this her Reseruation, answered notwithstanding, that she lyed, and that No clause of Reseruation could free her speech from a lie.
M. Parsons upon supposal of this her Reservation, answered notwithstanding, that she lied, and that No clause of Reservation could free her speech from a lie.
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I was right glad to heare our AEquiuocator confesse thus much, and hereupon haue aduentured to call his doctrine of Mentall Equiuocation the Arte of lying: And so (I hope) I shall proue it to be,
I was right glad to hear our Equivocator confess thus much, and hereupon have adventured to call his Doctrine of Mental Equivocation the Art of lying: And so (I hope) I shall prove it to be,
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7. This first obiection M. Parsons himselfe knoweth to be an idle NONLATINALPHABET for as much as we were both of vs contented to suppose, that this woman did vse a Mental Reseruation, and also to graunt, that (notwithstanding this her Reseruation ) her speech was a Lie.
7. This First objection M. Parsons himself Knoweth to be an idle for as much as we were both of us contented to suppose, that this woman did use a Mental Reservation, and also to grant, that (notwithstanding this her Reservation) her speech was a Lie.
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It would not haue become any to repile vpon the Apostle, saying, How doe you imagine that an Angel from heauen can preach false doctrine? because the foundation of his exhortation was not an Assertion, that an Angell from heauen could preach otherwise,
It would not have become any to repile upon the Apostle, saying, How do you imagine that an Angel from heaven can preach false Doctrine? Because the Foundation of his exhortation was not an Assertion, that an Angel from heaven could preach otherwise,
Wherefore we agreeing in the supposall, to wit, that she vsed a Mentall Reseruation, let vs see whether our next Reckonings will agree. Master PARSONS his Reckoning.
Wherefore we agreeing in the supposal, to wit, that she used a Mental Reservation, let us see whither our next Reckonings will agree. Master PARSONS his Reckoning.
albeit the Priest and the Woman vsed the same kinde of Reseruation, yet the one may be thought to haue spoken a Truth, and the other a Lie? Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
albeit the Priest and the Woman used the same kind of Reservation, yet the one may be Thought to have spoken a Truth, and the other a Lie? Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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And what hath now Mr. Morton to replie to these so euident and important differences, that make the one aunswere lawfull, the other a lie. The Reueiwe.
And what hath now Mr. Mortonum to reply to these so evident and important differences, that make the one answer lawful, the other a lie. The Reueiwe.
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11. Then belike I haue not vnderstood you all this while. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning. SVrely it is a pitifull thing to see how hee is puzeled in this matter.
11. Then belike I have not understood you all this while. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning. Surely it is a pitiful thing to see how he is puzeled in this matter.
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First he beginneth with the person of the woman, that is, the speaker, that did vnlawfully Equiuocate vnto Saint Peter comparing her to the person of the Priest, that lawfully saith vnto an incompetent Iudge, I am no Priest, and findeth no greater difference betweene theme:
First he begins with the person of the woman, that is, the speaker, that did unlawfully Equivocate unto Saint Peter comparing her to the person of the Priest, that lawfully Says unto an incompetent Judge, I am no Priest, and finds no greater difference between theme:
And yet within the compasse of a fewe leaues following, in this his Reckoning, hee contrarily confesseth, videlicet. He himselfe (to wit T. M. ) doth often heere repeat, that I do hold the aunswere of the Priest to be true, and hers to bee false;
And yet within the compass of a few leaves following, in this his Reckoning, he contrarily Confesses, videlicet. He himself (to wit T. M.) does often Here repeat, that I do hold the answer of the Priest to be true, and hers to be false;
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for that his was made to an incompetent Iudge, and hers to a competent, so as she was bound to aunswere directly vnto Saint Peters meaning. Heere Mr. Parsons confesseth that I repeated and acknowledged this 〈 ◊ 〉 difference concerning the Bond, wherewith the woman was tied, and the Priest was not:
for that his was made to an incompetent Judge, and hers to a competent, so as she was bound to answer directly unto Saint Peter's meaning. Here Mr. Parsons Confesses that I repeated and acknowledged this 〈 ◊ 〉 difference Concerning the Bound, wherewith the woman was tied, and the Priest was not:
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because that truth, which (in his opinion) is supplied by Mentall Reseruation, is not suspended vpon the vnderstanding of the hearer whatsoeuer he be (who may conceiue or misconceiue of the speech) but vpon the agreement which the outward speech hath with the minde of the speaker.
Because that truth, which (in his opinion) is supplied by Mental Reservation, is not suspended upon the understanding of the hearer whatsoever he be (who may conceive or misconceive of the speech) but upon the agreement which the outward speech hath with the mind of the speaker.
or capacitie of the said iudge, but vpon the meaning of the speaker, which meaning notwithstanding is to be measured by the competencie or incompetencie of the Iudge.
or capacity of the said judge, but upon the meaning of the speaker, which meaning notwithstanding is to be measured by the competency or incompetency of the Judge.
but if he be not competent, then all this obligation ceaseth, and the speaker is free to haue what meaning he list in his aunswere (so that in his owne sense it be true.) And this for the reason now touched. The Reueiwe.
but if he be not competent, then all this obligation ceases, and the speaker is free to have what meaning he list in his answer (so that in his own sense it be true.) And this for the reason now touched. The Reueiwe.
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And thus much for aunswering the force of Mr. Mortons second argument. SECT. III. The Reueiw, confuting the former Paradoxe, and last refuge, which Mr. Parsons hath, viz. The bond which a man hath to tell a truth to one doth alter that, which is otherwise a truth, into a lie.
And thus much for answering the force of Mr. Mortons second argument. SECT. III. The Reueiw, confuting the former Paradox, and last refuge, which Mr. Parsons hath, viz. The bound which a man hath to tell a truth to one does altar that, which is otherwise a truth, into a lie.
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14. THat which you lay downe as the sole foundation, to condemne the Woman, & free the Priest from lying, is onely the obligation or bond of duetie, which she had to speake directly vnto her lawfull Iudge,
14. THat which you lay down as the sole Foundation, to condemn the Woman, & free the Priest from lying, is only the obligation or bound of duty, which she had to speak directly unto her lawful Judge,
which speech being deliuered vnto an other, vnto whom I am bound to aunswere directly, is a lie, by reason, forsooth, of the obligation, which I haue not to deceiue him:
which speech being Delivered unto an other, unto whom I am bound to answer directly, is a lie, by reason, forsooth, of the obligation, which I have not to deceive him:
15. If such be the vertue of a Bond of duetie vnto a competent Iudge, that it can make that outward speech to be a Lie, which (by reason of Mentall Equiuocation ) was a truth, as it was spoken vnto a Iudge incompetent, vnto whom I was not bound to make a direct answere:
15. If such be the virtue of a Bound of duty unto a competent Judge, that it can make that outward speech to be a Lie, which (by reason of Mental Equivocation) was a truth, as it was spoken unto a Judge incompetent, unto whom I was not bound to make a Direct answer:
then must there be the like vertue of the same Bond in Verball Equiuocation, to alter the propertie of the same true speech into a lie, which is impossible. 16. As for example.
then must there be the like virtue of the same Bound in Verbal Equivocation, to altar the property of the same true speech into a lie, which is impossible. 16. As for Exampl.
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In this outward speech [ I tooke away the Popes Bull, ] the word Bull is equiuocall, that is, of a double signification, equally betokening the Popes written Bull, which is his publike instrument, vnder his seale of lead;
In this outward speech [ I took away the Popes Bull, ] the word Bull is equivocal, that is, of a double signification, equally betokening the Popes written Bull, which is his public Instrument, under his seal of led;
or his natural Bull, which is an horned beast, feeding in his pastures about Rauenna. It chaunceth that the Popes written Bull, which was publickely fastened vpon a pillar,
or his natural Bull, which is an horned beast, feeding in his pastures about Ravenna. It chanceth that the Popes written Bull, which was publicly fastened upon a pillar,
though not vnto the other, haue a force to alter the speech, which was lawfull, being spoken vnto the incompetent hearer (such as was his seruant, ) to be vnlawfull, sinnefull,
though not unto the other, have a force to altar the speech, which was lawful, being spoken unto the incompetent hearer (such as was his servant,) to be unlawful, sinful,
and damnable, when it was spoken to a Magistrate, iustly examining him, because the examinate is bound in conscience, not to delude the Magistrate, who is the Minister and Officiall of God in that businesse:
and damnable, when it was spoken to a Magistrate, justly examining him, Because the examinate is bound in conscience, not to delude the Magistrate, who is the Minister and Official of God in that business:
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So that, that which Mr. Parsons calleth the principall difference, consisting in being Bound, or not Bound, is nothing else but the singular fallacie of Mr. Parsons, by confounding of two truths,
So that, that which Mr. Parsons calls the principal difference, consisting in being Bound, or not Bound, is nothing Else but the singular fallacy of Mr. Parsons, by confounding of two truths,
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A boy in the Schoole, who shot at a Hart, which was in the Parke of a neighbour Knight, is asked thereof by his schoolefellow, (vnto whom he is not tyed in any bond of duetie, to yeeld a direct aunswere) and he aunswereth, I shot not at the Knights heart, meaning, the heart which was in the Knights bodie:
A boy in the School, who shot At a Heart, which was in the Park of a neighbour Knight, is asked thereof by his schoolfellow, (unto whom he is not tied in any bound of duty, to yield a Direct answer) and he Answers, I shot not At the Knights heart, meaning, the heart which was in the Knights body:
when he was challenged thereunto by the bond of duetie and obedience. SECT. IIII. Another Reason, taken from Master PARSONS his Confession concerning the Clause of Reseruation.
when he was challenged thereunto by the bound of duty and Obedience. SECT. IIII. another Reason, taken from Master PARSONS his Confessi Concerning the Clause of Reservation.
19. MAster Parsons is content to repeat my next Reason where I sayd, That In mentall Equiuocation P. R. saith, that the Clause of Reseruation mixed with the outward speech, maketh but one proposition, which is as true in the mind of the Speaker,
19. MAster Parsons is content to repeat my next Reason where I said, That In mental Equivocation P. R. Says, that the Clause of Reservation mixed with the outward speech, makes but one proposition, which is as true in the mind of the Speaker,
I am no Priest, mixed with this clause conceiued in mind, To tell it you, is as true, in the iudgement of P. R. as if it had beene without Reseruation fully expressed with the mouth, saying, I am no Priest, to tell it you.
I am no Priest, mixed with this clause conceived in mind, To tell it you, is as true, in the judgement of P. R. as if it had been without Reservation Fully expressed with the Mouth, saying, I am no Priest, to tell it you.
Now then, Say P. R. (for I meane to fetter you in your owne shacles) the woman whē she said to S. Peter, I haue sold it but for so much, if she had reserued in her mind this clause, To giue it vnto you, either had it beene, by vertue of Reseruation, a truth,
Now then, Say P. R. (for I mean to fetter you in your own shacles) the woman when she said to S. Peter, I have sold it but for so much, if she had reserved in her mind this clause, To give it unto you, either had it been, by virtue of Reservation, a truth,
If the clause of Reseruation might haue made it a truth, then hath not P. R. said truth in concluding, That no clause of Reseruation could sauc it from a lie.
If the clause of Reservation might have made it a truth, then hath not P. R. said truth in concluding, That no clause of Reservation could sauc it from a lie.
If contrariwise the trick of Reseruation could not saue it frō a lie, then doth not the reserued clause, To tell it you, being mixed with the outward speech, I am no Priest, make vp one true proposition,
If contrariwise the trick of Reservation could not save it from a lie, then does not the reserved clause, To tell it you, being mixed with the outward speech, I am no Priest, make up one true proposition,
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and consequently it must be concluded of the Priestly Equiuocation, as is heere by P. R. confessed of the womans, viz. that no clause of Reseruation can saue her speech from a lie.
and consequently it must be concluded of the Priestly Equivocation, as is Here by P. R. confessed of the woman's, viz. that no clause of Reservation can save her speech from a lie.
For if she had said vnto Saint Peter in plaine words, I haue sold it but for so much, to giue it in common, or such like, this euery one knoweth had beene a true speech:
For if she had said unto Saint Peter in plain words, I have sold it but for so much, to give it in Common, or such like, this every one Knoweth had been a true speech:
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THis is his 〈 ◊ 〉 and greatest argument, whereof, as presently you shall heare, he vaunteth exceedingly, conquering me first in his margent, writing there, An 〈 ◊ 〉 conuiction of P. R. and then againe, A plaine demonstration: To say nothing of the fetters and shacles in the text it selfe.
THis is his 〈 ◊ 〉 and greatest argument, whereof, as presently you shall hear, he vaunteth exceedingly, conquering me First in his margin, writing there, an 〈 ◊ 〉 conviction of P. R. and then again, A plain demonstration: To say nothing of the fetters and shacles in the text it self.
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And I haue thought good to lay foorth his whole Discourse, as it lieth together in his booke, that hereby you may see with what manner of substance he filleth vp Paper,
And I have Thought good to lay forth his Whole Discourse, as it lies together in his book, that hereby you may see with what manner of substance he fills up Paper,
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or fond supposition, that the two aunsweres of the Priest and the Woman, viz. I am no Priest, with obligation to tell it vnto you, And, I sold it for no more, with obligation to giue vnto you, are of equall falsitie, which we still denie, and he cannot proue:
or found supposition, that the two answers of the Priest and the Woman, viz. I am no Priest, with obligation to tell it unto you, And, I sold it for no more, with obligation to give unto you, Are of equal falsity, which we still deny, and he cannot prove:
for I grant that the aunsweres of the Priest and the Woman, do make each of them in themselues, being mixt with your Reseruation, a whole perfect proposition,
for I grant that the answers of the Priest and the Woman, do make each of them in themselves, being mixed with your Reservation, a Whole perfect proposition,
20. You are exceeding tedious, M. Parsons, when will you come to the aunswere of the former argument, which was grounded vpon your owne Grants? The first was this:
20. You Are exceeding tedious, M. Parsons, when will you come to the answer of the former argument, which was grounded upon your own Grants? The First was this:
that The clause of Reseruation, mixed with the outward words, doth make a whole perfect proposition or speech, which agreeing with the minde of the Speaker, is as true (said you) as if it were wholly vttered with the mouth.
that The clause of Reservation, mixed with the outward words, does make a Whole perfect proposition or speech, which agreeing with the mind of the Speaker, is as true (said you) as if it were wholly uttered with the Mouth.
[ Sir, I sold it but for so much, to deliuer in common, &c. ] which, being concealed by a Mentall Reseruation, Mr. Parsons hath called a Lie. Whereupon I haue inferred (and that necessarily) that the Mixture of the Clause of Reseruation with an Outward speech, doth not of it selfe make the speech true,
[ Sir, I sold it but for so much, to deliver in Common, etc. ] which, being concealed by a Mental Reservation, Mr. Parsons hath called a Lie. Whereupon I have inferred (and that necessarily) that the Mixture of the Clause of Reservation with an Outward speech, does not of it self make the speech true,
By this time we haue him in such straits, that he must either denie his answere of Obligation, or els condemne his former position of Reseruation: I doubt that Master Parsons will play vs some tricke or other of his foresaid Schoolemaster Raynard the Foxe. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
By this time we have him in such straits, that he must either deny his answer of Obligation, or Else condemn his former position of Reservation: I doubt that Master Parsons will play us Some trick or other of his foresaid Schoolmaster Raynard the Fox. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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IT is euident that the womans proposition, that shehad sold her land for no more, with Obligation to giue it vnto Saint Peter, or, to be spent in common (this being the true effect and substance of her Aunswer) was a lie,
IT is evident that the woman's proposition, that shehad sold her land for no more, with Obligation to give it unto Saint Peter, or, to be spent in Common (this being the true Effect and substance of her Answer) was a lie,
for albeit the wordes of S. Peter in the text of the Acts of the Apostles be, Tel me woman, if you solde it for so much? and her answere was, yea for so much, yet is it euident by the drift and circumstance of the place, that S. Peters meaning was,
for albeit the words of S. Peter in the text of the Acts of the Apostles be, Tell me woman, if you sold it for so much? and her answer was, yea for so much, yet is it evident by the drift and circumstance of the place, that S. Peter's meaning was,
21. Marke now (good Reader) for we now come to vncouch this creature:) It was supposed that the woman said, I solde it but for so much, reseruing in her minde, To giue into the common purse, Or, To tell it vnto you, that is,
21. Mark now (good Reader) for we now come to uncouch this creature:) It was supposed that the woman said, I sold it but for so much, reserving in her mind, To give into the Common purse, Or, To tell it unto you, that is,
Now Mast. Parsons finding himselfe driuen to an extremity, putteth into her Reseruation the word, Bond, or, Obligation, as though she had aunswered thus:
Now Mast. Parsons finding himself driven to an extremity, putteth into her Reservation the word, Bound, or, Obligation, as though she had answered thus:
I sold it but for so much, with this Reseruation, So as bound to tell it vnto you, Or, With Obligation to giue in common, inserting the word Bound, in her Reseruation, which, being deliuered with the mouth, maketh a false speech:
I sold it but for so much, with this Reservation, So as bound to tell it unto you, Or, With Obligation to give in Common, inserting the word Bound, in her Reservation, which, being Delivered with the Mouth, makes a false speech:
as it was first laid downe by me, confesseth, that I spake of A mentall Reseruation, mixed with the outward speech, which in the iudgement of P. R. is as true in the minde of the speaker,
as it was First laid down by me, Confesses, that I spoke of A mental Reservation, mixed with the outward speech, which in the judgement of P. R. is as true in the mind of the speaker,
for his last Refuge, to say, that he onely desended it to be lawfull to licence Titius to enioy a Concubine, to whom he, , is married. Would not the hearer abhorre or scorne such Sophistrie as this, whereby the Question about a woman vnmaried, is changed into the Question concerning a married wife?
for his last Refuge, to say, that he only descended it to be lawful to licence Titius to enjoy a Concubine, to whom he,, is married. Would not the hearer abhor or scorn such Sophistry as this, whereby the Question about a woman unmarried, is changed into the Question Concerning a married wife?
To this end I will yeeld so farre vnto M. Parsons, as to suppose with him that the Reseruation which the woman made, was such as he hath now pretended, to wit, [ I sold it but for so much ] reseruing in her minde as bound to tell it vnto you and also that No clause of reseruation could saue this her speech from a lie:
To this end I will yield so Far unto M. Parsons, as to suppose with him that the Reservation which the woman made, was such as he hath now pretended, to wit, [ I sold it but for so much ] reserving in her mind as bound to tell it unto you and also that No clause of reservation could save this her speech from a lie:
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All which being graunted, yet doe I now auerre as confidently as before, that this second Position is the ouerthrowe of his whole defence of Mentall Reseruation, as will now appeare.
All which being granted, yet do I now aver as confidently as before, that this second Position is the overthrown of his Whole defence of Mental Reservation, as will now appear.
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He had no other refuge in the world, but to forge a manner of Reseruation of his owne, by putting in the worde Bound, as if the woman had answered, I sold it but for so much, conceiuing in her minde, As bound to tell it vnto you.
He had no other refuge in the world, but to forge a manner of Reservation of his own, by putting in the word Bound, as if the woman had answered, I sold it but for so much, conceiving in her mind, As bound to tell it unto you.
If vnto that proposition [ I sold it but for so much, as bound to tell it vnto you, she had added such clauses as these, saying, I solde it but for so much,
If unto that proposition [ I sold it but for so much, as bound to tell it unto you, she had added such clauses as these, saying, I sold it but for so much,
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My question is, I say, whether euerie one of these additions doe make the supposed speech of the woman true or no? For if the womans speech standing thus, I sold it but for so much,
My question is, I say, whither every one of these additions do make the supposed speech of the woman true or no? For if the woman's speech standing thus, I sold it but for so much,
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yet answereth the Pope, saying [ I haue kept no Concubine ] reseruing in his minde [ for the vse of your Holinesse. ] I would be so much beholden vnto Master Parsons, as to tell me,
yet Answers the Pope, saying [ I have kept no Concubine ] reserving in his mind [ for the use of your Holiness. ] I would be so much beholden unto Master Parsons, as to tell me,
Wherefore if hee shall aunswere, that the Priests Mentall Equiuocation was no lie, then is he compellable to forsake his last refuge of Bond and Obligation to a competent Iudge, which he said doth make the speech a lie.
Wherefore if he shall answer, that the Priests Mental Equivocation was no lie, then is he compellable to forsake his last refuge of Bound and Obligation to a competent Judge, which he said does make the speech a lie.
then doth not the mentall Clause of Reseruation make a true mixt proposition, and consequently his maine ground of Mentall Equiuocation is quite ouerthrowen.
then does not the mental Clause of Reservation make a true mixed proposition, and consequently his main ground of Mental Equivocation is quite overthrown.
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for that I called the woman, vnto whom Saint Peter sware, an Examiner incompetent; and yet else-where say that the same Mayd was competent enough, to heare a true Oath.
for that I called the woman, unto whom Saint Peter sware, an Examiner incompetent; and yet elsewhere say that the same Maid was competent enough, to hear a true Oath.
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For although that I had expresly named that Mayd a Competent Iudge or Examiner (as I did not) yet Mr. Parsons knoweth that the same word may be taken properly, and improperly:
For although that I had expressly nam that Maid a Competent Judge or Examiner (as I did not) yet Mr. Parsons Knoweth that the same word may be taken properly, and improperly:
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what can be more familiar? How often doth Mr. Parsons in this Reckoning require his Reader to Iudge indifferently betweene vs? And yet I suppose that hee holdeth not euery Reader of his Booke to be properly a Iudge. This distinction is sufficient to breake his Fiddle,
what can be more familiar? How often does Mr. Parsons in this Reckoning require his Reader to Judge indifferently between us? And yet I suppose that he holds not every Reader of his Book to be properly a Judge. This distinction is sufficient to break his Fiddle,
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and to hinder his friuolous descant vpon words. CHAP. V. Of Falsities obiected vnto some Romanists, and first vnto certaine Popes, alledging a false Canon,
and to hinder his frivolous descant upon words. CHAP. V. Of Falsities objected unto Some Romanists, and First unto certain Popes, alleging a false Canon,
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for proofe of Appeales vnto Rome. SECT. I. 1. MAster Parsons, before he came to the matter, had leysure to make a Preface vnto his after Reckoning, thus. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
for proof of Appeals unto Rome. SECT. I. 1. MAster Parsons, before he Come to the matter, had leisure to make a Preface unto his After Reckoning, thus. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
as in the presence of God, that when I heard the Romish Doctrines crying (in " their generall Allarumes against Protestants) Depose, kill, roote them out, &c. (as I then fully prooued in one paragraphe,) and besides had considered the practized Treasons, Rebellion, Massacres and Inuasions, together with that last Powder-furnace, the inuention of the bottomlesse pit;
as in the presence of God, that when I herd the Romish Doctrines crying (in " their general Allarumes against Protestants) Depose, kill, root them out, etc. (as I then Fully proved in one paragraph,) and beside had considered the practised Treasons, Rebellion, Massacres and Invasions, together with that last Powder-furnace, the invention of the bottomless pit;
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which all of them, as so many blazing comets, presented themselues vnto me, I could not forbeare but discharge my duety vnto God, and my Countrey, to the Discouery of such mischieuous Positions and Practises, not with purpose to incite vnto,
which all of them, as so many blazing Comets, presented themselves unto me, I could not forbear but discharge my duty unto God, and my Country, to the Discovery of such mischievous Positions and Practises, not with purpose to incite unto,
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which that hatefull doctrine doth destinate vnto Protestant States, Wherein I did but onely awake men out of securitie, according to that of the Poet, Vt iugulent homines, surgunt de nocte Latrones, Vt teipsum serues, non expergisceris? Which being the voice of God in nature, what spirit is that which shall call it a measure malicious?
which that hateful Doctrine does destinate unto Protestant States, Wherein I did but only awake men out of security, according to that of the Poet, Vt jugulent homines, Surgunt de nocte Latrones, Vt teipsum serves, non expergisceris? Which being the voice of God in nature, what Spirit is that which shall call it a measure malicious?
3. But who is M. Parsons, that hee should thus inueigh against Virulencie and Maliciousnesse? Looke vpon him (good Reader) as thou maistsee him described by their owne Priest,
3. But who is M. Parsons, that he should thus inveigh against Virulency and Maliciousness? Look upon him (good Reader) as thou maistsee him described by their own Priest,
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What hath he to do (saith a Priest, speaking of M. Parsons ) to ballast his pen with gastfulgoars of English blood? or to imbrew a Priestly hand in Princes bowels? O monster!
What hath he to do (Says a Priest, speaking of M. Parsons) to ballast his pen with gastfulgoars of English blood? or to embrue a Priestly hand in Princes bowels? O monster!
yet this is the Sober Reckoner, forsooth, who dare exclaime against Virulencie and Maliciousnesse, calling else-where my Discouerie of the Romish crueltie a meere Barking. Wherein I am dealt with no otherwise then was a Lawyer in the dayes of Tully by certaine Catilinarian Conspirators, who called him a Barking dogge: but he aunswered, You may not be offended with me,
yet this is the Sobrium Reckoner, forsooth, who Dare exclaim against Virulency and Maliciousness, calling elsewhere my Discovery of the Romish cruelty a mere Barking. Wherein I am dealt with no otherwise then was a Lawyer in the days of Tully by certain Catilinarian Conspirators, who called him a Barking dog: but he answered, You may not be offended with me,
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4. I Haue said, that I may not denie euen this my Aduersarie his commendation of Modestie, who being ashamed (we may thinke) of the Romish Frauds and Falsifications of former times, will insist onely vpon such mens examples,
4. I Have said, that I may not deny even this my Adversary his commendation of Modesty, who being ashamed (we may think) of the Romish Frauds and Falsifications of former times, will insist only upon such men's Examples,
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NOw I must demaund of the Reader, what he vnderstandeth Mr. Morton his purpose to bee in this place? Is it not to shew that Costerus was lesse modest then I,
NOw I must demand of the Reader, what he understandeth Mr. Mortonum his purpose to be in this place? Is it not to show that Costerus was less modest then I,
forasmuch as I said, If in any one Catholicke writer of Controuersies in our age, there might bee found but two or three Examples of wilfull lying, I would neuer trust him more.
forasmuch as I said, If in any one Catholic writer of Controversies in our age, there might be found but two or three Examples of wilful lying, I would never trust him more.
Which being so, I would aske him why he did clip the Latin wordes of Costerus, who saith, But neucrthelesse there was no Catholicke man bitherto, (to wit, the time assigned,
Which being so, I would ask him why he did clip the Latin words of Costerus, who Says, But neucrthelesse there was no Catholic man bitherto, (to wit, the time assigned,
when Bishops of Rome were Saints and Martyrs) whether Prince, Bishop, or Writer &c. Which two words, Neuertkelesse, and Catholicke man, demonstrate that Costerus spake not of Romane Writers,
when Bishops of Rome were Saints and Martyrs) whither Prince, Bishop, or Writer etc. Which two words, Neuertkelesse, and Catholic man, demonstrate that Costerus spoke not of Roman Writers,
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yet spake he it indefinitely Romanos, And Coster in the words following descendeth as lowe as Pope Damasus, who was no Martyr: and the instances, which I gaue against Coster, were onely about Popes,
yet spoke he it indefinitely Romanos, And Coster in the words following Descendeth as low as Pope Damasus, who was no Martyr: and the instances, which I gave against Coster, were only about Popes,
All which Catholicke Bishops, tooke exception vnto the challenge of three Popes, viz. Sozimus, Boniface, and Celestine, who, vpon the false pretence of a Canon, in the name of the Councel of Nice, exacted Appeales vnto Rome: where it is plaine that I instanced in no examples,
All which Catholic Bishops, took exception unto the challenge of three Popes, viz. Sozimus, Boniface, and Celestine, who, upon the false pretence of a Canon, in the name of the Council of Nicaenae, exacted Appeals unto Rome: where it is plain that I instanced in no Examples,
or against any Romane Writers, sauing onely against Romane Popes, then might hee haue had iust cause to note me of wilfull falshood, both in respect of the word Catholicke, and in the word Romanes. But seeing that I haue not committed any such error, what meant Mr. Parsons to be so violent? It may be that I haue offended him, by saying that Coster was lesse modest then he.
or against any Roman Writers, Saving only against Roman Popes, then might he have had just cause to note me of wilful falsehood, both in respect of the word Catholic, and in the word Romans. But seeing that I have not committed any such error, what meant Mr. Parsons to be so violent? It may be that I have offended him, by saying that Coster was less modest then he.
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I craue pardon for this fault, and hereafter I shall iudge otherwise of his immodestie. SECT. 111. A second Inquirie, concerning the false Canon suggested by those Popes.
I crave pardon for this fault, and hereafter I shall judge otherwise of his immodesty. SECT. 111. A second Inquiry, Concerning the false Canon suggested by those Popes.
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NOw he beginneth with three ancient Popes, Zozimus, Boniface, and Celestine, that liued in the time of S. Augustine, and were much commended by him for holy men,
NOw he begins with three ancient Popes, Zozimus, Boniface, and Celestine, that lived in the time of S. Augustine, and were much commended by him for holy men,
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but are accused by Mr. Morton for falsaries, as though they had forged a Canon of the first Councell of Nice, in fauour of their owne supremacie, to proue thereby the lawfulnesse of Appeals to be made to them,
but Are accused by Mr. Mortonum for falsaries, as though they had forged a Canon of the First Council of Nicaenae, in favour of their own supremacy, to prove thereby the lawfulness of Appeals to be made to them,
if they cyted the Canon of one Councell for another of equall authority (as indeed they did:) for that it might be ascribed either to the variety of Copies (when no print was yet extant) or to ouersight, forgetfulnesse,
if they cited the Canon of one Council for Another of equal Authority (as indeed they did:) for that it might be ascribed either to the variety of Copies (when no print was yet extant) or to oversight, forgetfulness,
6. What a pace doe you vse to gallop, when you feare that any danger lieth in your way? For you saw in the Preamble how three Popes, Zozimus, Boniface, and Celestine, at the Councell of Carthage in Affricke, did claime a right of Appeales vnto Rome, by vertue of a Canon of the Councell of Nice, as they pretended.
6. What a pace do you use to gallop, when you Fear that any danger lies in your Way? For you saw in the Preamble how three Popes, Zozimus, Boniface, and Celestine, At the Council of Carthage in Africa, did claim a right of Appeals unto Room, by virtue of a Canon of the Council of Nicaenae, as they pretended.
And when all the auncient Copies of that Councell had beene diligently sought, it appeared by the testimony of three Patriarches, viz. of Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, that That Canon concerning Appeales vnto the Bishoppe of Rome (as their Lindane speaketh) could not be found in those Copies:
And when all the ancient Copies of that Council had been diligently sought, it appeared by the testimony of three Patriarchs, viz. of Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, that That Canon Concerning appeals unto the Bishop of Room (as their Lindane speaks) could not be found in those Copies:
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& Canonem Concily in defensionem primatus sui falsum esse deprehenderunt. And a little after: Concludunt tandem nemini licere ad Romanum Pontificem prouocare.
& Canonem Concily in defensionem Primatus sui falsum esse deprehenderunt. And a little After: Concludunt tandem Nobody licere ad Romanum Pontifex prouocare.
7. Where you perceiuing both the authenticall Records of auncient Churches, and the diuers oppositions of so many Bishoppes of that Councell, conuincing the falshood of that obiected Canon, doth this appertaine nothing to the purpose trow you? The summe of Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning, about the former point, in charging his Aduersarie.
7. Where you perceiving both the authentical Records of ancient Churches, and the diverse oppositions of so many Bishops of that Council, convincing the falsehood of that objected Canon, does this appertain nothing to the purpose trow you? The sum of Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning, about the former point, in charging his Adversary.
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BVT now to the former olde, idle, worme-eaten obiection against the Pope, for counterfeiting the said Councell of Nice, Although it hath beene oft answered at large by other writers,
BUT now to the former old, idle, Worm-eaten objection against the Pope, for counterfeiting the said Council of Nicaenae, Although it hath been oft answered At large by other writers,
8. Would any Sober man euer haue vsed such taxation as this is, to call it a false Dissimulation sometime to propound plaine Histories, without particular notice of the Answeres, which our Aduersaries doe vse to make? Mast. Parsons could not haue beene more iniurious eyther vnto me,
8. Would any Sobrium man ever have used such taxation as this is, to call it a false Dissimulation sometime to propound plain Histories, without particular notice of the Answers, which our Adversaries do use to make? Mast. Parsons could not have been more injurious either unto me,
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How then could I deserue this reproach? And (that which exceedingly argueth vnshamefastnesse in him) the matter which I alleaged out of his owne Authours, was no more then that which both he and others will confesse to be true, to wit, that the Bishoppes of Carthage, did renounce that pretended Canon as false.
How then could I deserve this reproach? And (that which exceedingly argue unshamefastness in him) the matter which I alleged out of his own Authors, was no more then that which both he and Others will confess to be true, to wit, that the Bishops of Carthage, did renounce that pretended Canon as false.
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9. Secondly, Master Parsons in his Three Conuersions, Cap. 2. for the proofe of Transubstantiation, &c. did cite within the compasse of foure leaues the 〈 ◊ 〉 of some Fathers,
9. Secondly, Master Parsons in his Three Conversions, Cap. 2. for the proof of Transubstantiation, etc. did Cite within the compass of foure leaves the 〈 ◊ 〉 of Some Father's,
as namely of Ambrose, Cyprian, 〈 ◊ 〉 Nissene, Chrysostome, Theodoret, Irenaeus, Augustine, Theophilact, &c. without acknowledgement of the Aunsweres, which Protestants haue made vnto euery particular testimonie.
as namely of Ambrose, Cyprian, 〈 ◊ 〉 Nissene, Chrysostom, Theodoret, Irnaeus, Augustine, Theophilact, etc. without acknowledgement of the Answers, which Protestants have made unto every particular testimony.
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Will he hereupon suffer Mr. Parsons to fall vpon M. Parsons, and to condemne him for a false Dissembler, because hee pretermitted the Answeres which Protestants haue made? So shamelesse and lucklesse doth this his Accusation prooue.
Will he hereupon suffer Mr. Parsons to fallen upon M. Parsons, and to condemn him for a false Dissembler, Because he pretermitted the Answers which Protestants have made? So shameless and luckless does this his Accusation prove.
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10. We may reckon vnto the worldes end, if that in euery asseueration (which is obiter, although plainely vsed) all Obiections and Aunswers of all Authours must be necessarily produced.
10. We may reckon unto the world's end, if that in every asseveration (which is obiter, although plainly used) all Objections and Answers of all Authors must be necessarily produced.
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And to exact this in a Preamble, and, as it were, a preface vnto a Treatise (which I called an Encounter ) is as disproportionable, as was the little Citie of Myndas, and the great gates thereof, which occasioned the Philosopher to cry, Shut your Gates (ye Citizens) lest that your Citie runne out.
And to exact this in a Preamble, and, as it were, a preface unto a Treatise (which I called an Encounter) is as disproportionable, as was the little city of Myndas, and the great gates thereof, which occasioned the Philosopher to cry, Shut your Gates (you Citizens) lest that your city run out.
11. But because he hath laid such heauie loade of false dissimulation vpon me (as though for the terriblenesse of the Answeres, I had beene affraid so much as to mention them) I shal desire him to know, that he could not haue ghessedmore falsly:
11. But Because he hath laid such heavy load of false dissimulation upon me (as though for the terribleness of the Answers, I had been afraid so much as to mention them) I shall desire him to know, that he could not have ghessedmore falsely:
for I haue already produced his Authours, discussed their Obiections from point to point, where (if he will bee pleased to looke) he may peraduenture satisfie,
for I have already produced his Authors, discussed their Objections from point to point, where (if he will be pleased to look) he may Peradventure satisfy,
I passe on vnto the next Taxatiou. CHAP. VI. Of the small credite of their Gratian, and of the far lesse credite of M. Parsons in his defence, by his multiplication of fraudes. SECT. I. The Charge.
I pass on unto the next Taxatiou. CHAP. VI. Of the small credit of their Gratian, and of the Far less credit of M. Parsons in his defence, by his multiplication of frauds. SECT. I. The Charge.
WHat can be said (said I) for the defence of Gratian, Who ( as Card. Bellarmine witnesseth ) citing a Canon of a Councell of Mileuet, wherein it was decreed that none should appeale beyond the Sea, did adde of himselfe this exception Except it be vnto the Apostolicke Sea of Rome;
WHat can be said (said I) for the defence of Gratian, Who (as Card. Bellarmine Witnesseth) citing a Canon of a Council of Milevet, wherein it was decreed that none should appeal beyond the Sea, did add of himself this exception Except it be unto the Apostolic Sea of Rome;
wherein you finding your selfe barren would now extend your Commission to all Catholike Writers of all ages past, which is a miserable shift. The Reueiwe;
wherein you finding your self barren would now extend your Commission to all Catholic Writers of all ages past, which is a miserable shift. The Reueiwe;
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SEcondly, there be so many other shifts and trickes, in cyting these few wordes, as doe make demonstration that you can cyte nothing in simplicity of truth, without some wilfull corruption,
SEcondly, there be so many other shifts and tricks, in citing these few words, as do make demonstration that you can Cite nothing in simplicity of truth, without Some wilful corruption,
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as heere where you say it was decreed (in the Councell of Mileuet ) that none should appeale beyond the Sea, you cut off craftily the wordes before cyted of the said Canon, Inferiores Clerici, the inferiour Clergie-men, as though the prohibition had beene for all (aswell Bishoppes,
as Here where you say it was decreed (in the Council of Milevet) that none should appeal beyond the Sea, you Cut off craftily the words before cited of the said Canon, Inferiores Clerici, the inferior Clergymen, as though the prohibition had been for all (aswell Bishops,
3. I cyted not Gratian, but the obiection of Caluine out of Bellarmine, and his immediate answere thereunto, where the wordes, Inferiores Clerici, are not mentioned:
3. I cited not Gratian, but the objection of Calvin out of Bellarmine, and his immediate answer thereunto, where the words, Inferiores Clerici, Are not mentioned:
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as though, where the Inferiour Clerkes were forbid to appeale vnto Rome, it should consequently follow, that the Superiour Bishops were vpon some occasions necessarily to appeale thither,
as though, where the Inferior Clerks were forbid to appeal unto Room, it should consequently follow, that the Superior Bishops were upon Some occasions necessarily to appeal thither,
Which consequence is flat contrary to this of M. Parsons, who still roaueth and raueth about impertinencies, to draw me from the point in question, which is onely this,
Which consequence is flat contrary to this of M. Parsons, who still roaueth and raveth about Impertinencies, to draw me from the point in question, which is only this,
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For that the most that can be obiected to Gratian in this place, is that which Card. Bellarmine saith, he mistooke the true meaning and intent of that Canon of Mileuet,
For that the most that can be objected to Gratian in this place, is that which Card. Bellarmine Says, he mistook the true meaning and intent of that Canon of Milevet,
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as though it had beene meant of Bishops, as well as of inferior Clergy-men, which is farre from the proofe of wilfull false meaning, which may bee verie probably obiected vnto M. Morton in this and many other places.
as though it had been meant of Bishops, as well as of inferior Clergymen, which is Far from the proof of wilful false meaning, which may be very probably objected unto M. Mortonum in this and many other places.
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Could hee note me of wilfull falshood, yea or of falshood at all in this matter? The wordes of Gratian, (saith M. Parsons ) as they are now extant in a distinct Letter, are not added as the wordes of the Canon,
Could he note me of wilful falsehood, yea or of falsehood At all in this matter? The words of Gratian, (Says M. Parsons) as they Are now extant in a distinct letter, Are not added as the words of the Canon,
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but as a Commentary, &c. Is this it? But I am sure these wordes of Gratian here spoken of, in his Decretum, printed An. Dom. 1519. at Paris; and another Edition at Lyons, Per Hugonem de Porta, Anno. 1548. (which two onely I then had by me) are not distinguished in a different letter:
but as a Commentary, etc. Is this it? But I am sure these words of Gratian Here spoken of, in his Decretum, printed Nias Dom. 1519. At paris; and Another Edition At Lyons, Per Hugonem de Porta, Anno 1548. (which two only I then had by me) Are not distinguished in a different Letter:
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which M. Parsons well knew, who therefore opposeth onely their new Editions of Gratian (in saying, so it is now extant ) which neither freeth their auncient Editions nor Gratian himselfe from falshood:
which M. Parsons well knew, who Therefore Opposeth only their new Editions of Gratian (in saying, so it is now extant) which neither freeth their ancient Editions nor Gratian himself from falsehood:
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and yet with an hard face durst M. Parsons impute vnto me herein the note of Falshood. And not so onely, but doth furthermore repeate and register this in a peculiar Chapter, among those, which he calleth New and fresh lies of M. Morton. How can I expect any conscionable dealing from a man so peruersly malignant?
and yet with an hard face durst M. Parsons impute unto me herein the note of Falsehood. And not so only, but does furthermore repeat and register this in a peculiar Chapter, among those, which he calls New and fresh lies of M. Mortonum. How can I expect any conscionable dealing from a man so perversely malignant?
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] Which exception flatly contradicteth the principall purpose of the Canon, which forbad (saith Bellarmme ) Appeales beyond the Seas; which Decree the Affricane Bishops made principally, because of Rome.
] Which exception flatly Contradicteth the principal purpose of the Canon, which forbade (Says Bellarmme) Appeals beyond the Seas; which decree the African Bishops made principally, Because of Room.
7. Let it be so, yet so to mistake it, that when that Decree was principally made to forbid Appeales vnto Rome, he should expound it to forbid Appeales, excepting onely vnto Rome. If M. Parsons should chance to finde such a mistaking in any Protestant, O what an hue and crie would he make?
7. Let it be so, yet so to mistake it, that when that decree was principally made to forbid appeals unto Rome, he should expound it to forbid appeals, excepting only unto Rome. If M. Parsons should chance to find such a mistaking in any Protestant, O what an hue and cry would he make?
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but of your new Romish Writers) saith that Aliqui respondent cum Gratiano, &c. Some there be (saith he) who answere (the obiection of Caluine ) together with Gratian, &c. Wherefore you may put downe this in your Reckoning,
but of your new Romish Writers) Says that Aliqui respondent cum Gratiano, etc. some there be (Says he) who answer (the objection of Calvin) together with Gratian, etc. Wherefore you may put down this in your Reckoning,
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9. Now that the Reckoning is made vp, we may recount the gaines which M. Parsons hath gotten, by his defense of Gratian. First he hath falsly put Gratian vpon mee, in stead of Bellarmine, with an intent to proue me a falsifier.
9. Now that the Reckoning is made up, we may recount the gains which M. Parsons hath got, by his defence of Gratian. First he hath falsely put Gratian upon me, in stead of Bellarmine, with an intent to prove me a falsifier.
as I deliuered it, in the auncient Copies of Gratian. Thirdly, after all his plea he would cleare his Clyent Gratian from faithlesnes, in expounding a Canon of a Councell flatly contrary to the purpose of the Councell it selfe.
as I Delivered it, in the ancient Copies of Gratian. Thirdly, After all his plea he would clear his Client Gratian from faithlessness, in expounding a Canon of a Council flatly contrary to the purpose of the Council it self.
Fourthly, hee findeth now Some other of their new Romanists intangled in the same falshood with Gratian. Fiftly, by labouring to free Gratian from one vntruth, he hath occasioned me to reueale the manifold guilt of Gratian in his false inscriptions, false allegations, and false Additions in such abundance, that (as their Arch-bishoppe hath confessed) they cannot be declared in a day.
Fourthly, he finds now some other of their new Romanists entangled in the same falsehood with Gratian. Fifty, by labouring to free Gratian from one untruth, he hath occasioned me to reveal the manifold guilt of Gratian in his false inscriptions, false allegations, and false Additions in such abundance, that (as their Archbishop hath confessed) they cannot be declared in a day.
And thus Mast. Parsons (I confesse) hath euery way gained in falsities. CHAP. VII. Of the Contradictions among other Romish Authours, one confuting another:
And thus Mast. Parsons (I confess) hath every Way gained in falsities. CHAP. VII. Of the Contradictions among other Romish Authors, one confuting Another:
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first about the Councell of Eliberis. SECT. I. 1. THE Question was, whether the Councell of Eliberis did forbid the vse of Images in Churches? Protestants say it did:
First about the Council of Elvira. SECT. I. 1. THE Question was, whither the Council of Elvira did forbid the use of Images in Churches? Protestants say it did:
And now I would aske you, when diuers auncient Fathers in your commentaries vpon the holy Scriptures, doe set downe different expositions of hard places, euery one thinking that he goeth nearest to the truth:
And now I would ask you, when diverse ancient Father's in your commentaries upon the holy Scriptures, do Set down different expositions of hard places, every one thinking that he Goes nearest to the truth:
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may you by this condemne them all of wilfull falshood? Are not you ashamed to come forth with these ridiculous proofes? The Reuiew, aunswering his Obiection.
may you by this condemn them all of wilful falsehood? are not you ashamed to come forth with these ridiculous proofs? The Reuiew, answering his Objection.
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2. Hardly can any absolutely charge another with wilfull falsitie, because there are so many infirmities in a man (besides the corruption of his will) to draw him into error,
2. Hardly can any absolutely charge Another with wilful falsity, Because there Are so many infirmities in a man (beside the corruption of his will) to draw him into error,
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as ignorance, negligence, desire of breuitie, besides other their obiects in reading, such as are falts in print, obscurities of sentences, Independences,
as ignorance, negligence, desire of brevity, beside other their objects in reading, such as Are Faults in print, Obscurities of sentences, Independences,
3. Neither doe I take the exception vnto their diuerse Expositions (to aunswere your friuolous obiection concerning the Fathers ) but vnto the manner of their Expositions, whereunto some of them were drawen, being (as was confessed) oppressed with the force of their aduersaries obiectiō:
3. Neither do I take the exception unto their diverse Expositions (to answer your frivolous objection Concerning the Father's) but unto the manner of their Expositions, whereunto Some of them were drawn, being (as was confessed) oppressed with the force of their Adversaries objection:
Secondly others aunswere that it was because they seemed to the Heathen to commit Idolatrie: Which (saith an other) agreeth not with the exposition of the Canon.
Secondly Others answer that it was Because they seemed to the Heathen to commit Idolatry: Which (Says an other) agreeth not with the exposition of the Canon.
4. Finally, after that twelue seuerall testimonies had bene alleadged, against which Mr. Parsons (notwithstanding his eagernesse) could catch no shadow of exception, hee in the end fixeth his teeth vpon one, which was the citation of Senensis, as saying, Elibertina Synodus omninò vetuit Imaginum cultum, that is;
4. Finally, After that twelue several testimonies had be alleged, against which Mr. Parsons (notwithstanding his eagerness) could catch no shadow of exception, he in the end fixeth his teeth upon one, which was the Citante of Senensis, as saying, Elibertina Synod omninò Vetuit Imaginum cultum, that is;
And the fraud cannot seeme but wilfull, nor can it any way stand with the intention of Senensis, who saith and affirmeth onely (according to the interpretation which he best alloweth among many other) that the meaning of the Councell was this, to forbid the vse of Images for a time,
And the fraud cannot seem but wilful, nor can it any Way stand with the intention of Senensis, who Says and Affirmeth only (according to the Interpretation which he best alloweth among many other) that the meaning of the Council was this, to forbid the use of Images for a time,
least the new conuerted Spaniards not being wellinstructed, seeing Images vpon the walles, should think there were no difference betweene them and the Heathen Idols.
lest the new converted Spanish not being wellinstructed, seeing Images upon the walls, should think there were no difference between them and the Heathen Idols.
when the same wordes, which were set downe by me in the Romane Character, as a general note of Senēsis his meaning, are by the Transcriber altered into an Italian Character, whereby they seemed to be the very words of the Author himself.
when the same words, which were Set down by me in the Roman Character, as a general note of Senēsis his meaning, Are by the Transcriber altered into an Italian Character, whereby they seemed to be the very words of the Author himself.
If you wil not credite me vpon my word, yet be so charitable as see my booke (which was published before I hard of your taxation) where, vpon the same occasion, I haue cited this testimonie of Senensis in the very words as they lie in the Author himselfe.
If you will not credit me upon my word, yet be so charitable as see my book (which was published before I hard of your taxation) where, upon the same occasion, I have cited this testimony of Senensis in the very words as they lie in the Author himself.
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The words of Senensis are, that the Fathers of that Councell, Thought that they could not otherwise heale the present disease (namely of Idolatrie) then by forbidding Images.
The words of Senensis Are, that the Father's of that Council, Thought that they could not otherwise heal the present disease (namely of Idolatry) then by forbidding Images.
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for feare of contempt by Infidels, as others conceiued; nor the forbidding of them to be painted in tables, as some els fancied, but as Senensis saith, There was no other remedie,
for Fear of contempt by Infidels, as Others conceived; nor the forbidding of them to be painted in tables, as Some Else fancied, but as Senensis Says, There was no other remedy,
It sufficeth, that Images are to be absolutely remooued, whensoeuer there is great daunger of Idolatrie. And vnderstand by the way, you that obiect [ omninò ] so sinisterly;
It Suffices, that Images Are to be absolutely removed, whensoever there is great danger of Idolatry. And understand by the Way, you that Object [ omninò ] so sinisterly;
8. DIuers were obiected in the Preamble, which required some reasonable Reckoning, but Mr. Parsons turneth all into a seorne. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
8. Diverse were objected in the Preamble, which required Some reasonable Reckoning, but Mr. Parsons turns all into a seorne. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
WHat is this to the purpose then, to proue that these Authors did erre wittingly against their conscience? Doe you not see that still the poore man runneth quite from the purpose,
WHat is this to the purpose then, to prove that these Authors did err wittingly against their conscience? Do you not see that still the poor man Runneth quite from the purpose,
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There we heard your Surius, charging Protestants of so Incredible impudencie, and maruelling that they 〈 ◊ 〉 appeare in the presence of any honest man,
There we herd your Surius, charging Protestants of so Incredible impudency, and marvelling that they 〈 ◊ 〉 appear in the presence of any honest man,
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and yet behold, The sentence of Surius cannot stand, saith their Ietuite Vasquez, which he proueth (as his owne words are) from all Historians. Yet this so impudent a slaunder against Protestants,
and yet behold, The sentence of Surius cannot stand, Says their Ietuite Vasquez, which he Proves (as his own words Are) from all Historians. Yet this so impudent a slander against Protestants,
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10. Others haue deuised other aunsweres, such as were Alanus Copus, Saunders, Suarez, who say that The Councell of Francford did not condemne the second Councell of Nice.
10. Others have devised other answers, such as were Alain Copus, Saunders, Suarez, who say that The Council of Frankfurt did not condemn the second Council of Nicaenae.
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11. Againe, a third sort (to wit, Platina, Blondus, and Sabellicus ) granting that the Synode Francford condemned the Synode, which the Greekes call the seuenth generall one;
11. Again, a third sort (to wit, Platina, Blondus, and Sabellicus) granting that the Synod Frankfurt condemned the Synod, which the Greeks call the Seventh general one;
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which is flat contrary to the words of the Synode of Franckford, as is acknowledged by their Iesuite Vasquez, Quam pro adorandis imaginibus fecerunt, which was made for adoring of Images.
which is flat contrary to the words of the Synod of Frankford, as is acknowledged by their Iesuite Vasquez, Quam Pro adorandis imaginibus fecerunt, which was made for adoring of Images.
12. Their last refuge is this, that The Synode of Francford was deceiued, in thinking that the Synode of Nice decreed any vnlawfull worship of Images,
12. Their last refuge is this, that The Synod of Frankfurt was deceived, in thinking that the Synod of Nicaenae decreed any unlawful worship of Images,
if the Fathers of the Counsell of Francford, iudging that second Councell of Nice, confirmed by the Pope, did erre in defending the vse of Images, did they erre in faith or no? Whereunto I aunswere, &c. The Reueiwe.
if the Father's of the Counsel of Frankfurt, judging that second Council of Nicaenae, confirmed by the Pope, did err in defending the use of Images, did they err in faith or no? Whereunto I answer, etc. The Reueiwe.
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13. Soft Sir, whereunto will you aunswere? I propounded a full Argument, adding that If the Councell of Francford did erre in faith, in condemning the other of Nice,
13. Soft Sir, whereunto will you answer? I propounded a full Argument, adding that If the Council of Frankfurt did err in faith, in condemning the other of Nicaenae,
This your simplicitie would not expresse, but make an abrupt answere, saying, that it was an error of Fact, not of Faith, Let vs heare it. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
This your simplicity would not express, but make an abrupt answer, saying, that it was an error of Fact, not of Faith, Let us hear it. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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THe Fathers of the Councell of Francsord erred in Fact, and not in Faith, being informed that the Councell of Nice, had determined that which it did not, to wit, that diuine honour was giuen vnto Images;
THe Father's of the Council of Francsord erred in Fact, and not in Faith, being informed that the Council of Nicaenae, had determined that which it did not, to wit, that divine honour was given unto Images;
14. Then, belike the Fathers of the Councell of Francford did not know that Pope Adrian had confirmed the second Councell of Nice. Master PARSONS his Reckoning.
14. Then, belike the Father's of the Council of Frankfurt did not know that Pope Adrian had confirmed the second Council of Nicaenae. Master PARSONS his Reckoning.
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15. Except that Master Parsons had prostituted his conscience vnto iniurious dealing, hee would neuer, against his perfect knowledge, haue thus accused me of Witting craft and deceit. For first hee was not ignorant that Adrian the Pope did confirme the second Councell of Nice, as their Iesuite Vasquez did witnesse.
15. Except that Master Parsons had prostituted his conscience unto injurious dealing, he would never, against his perfect knowledge, have thus accused me of Witting craft and deceit. For First he was not ignorant that Adrian the Pope did confirm the second Council of Nicaenae, as their Iesuite Vasquez did witness.
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Secondly, he saw me further alleadge out of the same Iesuite that The Councel of Francford could not be ignorant of the decree of the second Councell of Nice,
Secondly, he saw me further allege out of the same Iesuite that The Council of Frankfurt could not be ignorant of the Decree of the second Council of Nicaenae,
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being both put together, doe inferre that The Councell of Francford could not be ignorant that the Pope had confirmed the Decree of the second Councell of Nice.
being both put together, do infer that The Council of Frankfurt could not be ignorant that the Pope had confirmed the decree of the second Council of Nicaenae.
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as the Archangell did vnto the Diuell, saying, The Lord rebuke thee; yet must he giue me leaue to say, God forgiue thee: for I pointed directly in my Preamble vnto this place of Vasquez, which Mr. Parsons subtilly concealeth,
as the Archangel did unto the devil, saying, The Lord rebuke thee; yet must he give me leave to say, God forgive thee: for I pointed directly in my Preamble unto this place of Vasquez, which Mr. Parsons subtly concealeth,
and according to his woont, faceth out the matter with a false imputation of falsehood: yet least he might seeme to haue erred without reason, hee vseth an Argument. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
and according to his wont, faceth out the matter with a false imputation of falsehood: yet lest he might seem to have erred without reason, he uses an Argument. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
FOr the Caroline Bookes themselues, euen as they are set out by the Centuriators, doe vse that for a principall argument on the behalfe of the Councell of Francford, to impugne the Nicene Councell,
FOr the Caroline Books themselves, even as they Are Set out by the Centuriators, do use that for a principal argument on the behalf of the Council of Frankfurt, to impugn the Nicene Council,
for that they supposed that the said Nīcene Councel was not confirmed by Adrian the Pope, wherein they were deceiued by false information, I meane, those of Francford: but Mr. Morton would deceiue vs by craft and subtiltie. The Reuiewe.
for that they supposed that the said Nincene Council was not confirmed by Adrian the Pope, wherein they were deceived by false information, I mean, those of Frankfurt: but Mr. Mortonum would deceive us by craft and subtlety. The Reuiewe.
16. He talketh of craft, telling vs of the Caroline Bookes (mentioned by the Centurists ) how they Supposed that the second Councell of Nice was not confirmed by Adrian, without quoting the direct place:
16. He talketh of craft, telling us of the Caroline Books (mentioned by the Centurists) how they Supposed that the second Council of Nicaenae was not confirmed by Adrian, without quoting the Direct place:
For if we shall consult with the Centurists themselues, they will tell vs, that Pope Adrian did rule by his Legates in the second Councell of Nice, which he afterward did approue:
For if we shall consult with the Centurists themselves, they will tell us, that Pope Adrian did Rule by his Legates in the second Council of Nicaenae, which he afterwards did approve:
whereunto the Legates of the Pope doe require a subscription, but the Decree goeth against the sentence of Pope Adrian, and concluded that the adoration of Images is wicked,
whereunto the Legates of the Pope do require a subscription, but the decree Goes against the sentence of Pope Adrian, and concluded that the adoration of Images is wicked,
17. THe matter is, whether Epiphanius did not condemne the worship of Images? Their contradictory aunsweres are many and memorable. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
17. THe matter is, whither Epiphanius did not condemn the worship of Images? Their contradictory answers Are many and memorable. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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IT is to be noted, as before, that whatsoeuer difference of opinions there be, or may be among Catholicke Writers of Controuersie, about the true meaning of Saint Epiphanius in this place,
IT is to be noted, as before, that whatsoever difference of opinions there be, or may be among Catholic Writers of Controversy, about the true meaning of Saint Epiphanius in this place,
yet is it nothing at all to Mr. Mortons purpose, who is bound to proue that they wrote against their owne knowledge and conscience, which I suppose were hard to do,
yet is it nothing At all to Mr. Mortons purpose, who is bound to prove that they wrote against their own knowledge and conscience, which I suppose were hard to do,
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and therfore I could not but laugh, when I read his conclusion of this Instance, saying, That if P. R. shall desire 500. (instances) of this kind, I bind my selfe (saith he) vnto him, by a faithfull protestation;
and Therefore I could not but laugh, when I read his conclusion of this Instance, saying, That if P. R. shall desire 500. (instances) of this kind, I bind my self (Says he) unto him, by a faithful protestation;
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why did you conceale them? The Epistle of Epiphanius is obiected by Protestants, wherein hee is said to haue seene hanging in Church an Image, as it were of Christ,
why did you conceal them? The Epistle of Epiphanius is objected by Protestants, wherein he is said to have seen hanging in Church an Image, as it were of christ,
Epiphanius did it in a zeale, but not according to knowledge, all for feare of the errour of the Anthropomorphites, who sought to haue an Image of God;
Epiphanius did it in a zeal, but not according to knowledge, all for Fear of the error of the Anthropomorphites, who sought to have an Image of God;
and therefore this aunswere is reiected by Bellarmine, as lesse common and true. A third is displeased with Epiphanius, and therefore censureth the fact to be erroneous:
and Therefore this answer is rejected by Bellarmine, as less Common and true. A third is displeased with Epiphanius, and Therefore censureth the fact to be erroneous:
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but the cause, why they were glad to make this shift, is made plaine by their Vasquez, They, being oppressed (saith he) with the difficulty of the obiection, returned this Answere.
but the cause, why they were glad to make this shift, is made plain by their Vasquez, They, being oppressed (Says he) with the difficulty of the objection, returned this Answer.
But what if it be not a counterfeit Epistle? Now commeth their Iesuite Valentia in the last rancke, saying, Yet we aunswere that the Church is of greater authority then Epiphanius. Very good:
But what if it be not a counterfeit Epistle? Now comes their Iesuite Valentia in the last rank, saying, Yet we answer that the Church is of greater Authority then Epiphanius. Very good:
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for the auoyding of but one obiection, what can they possibly bewray, but distorted wits, especialy seeing that it may be presumed of the most, that they were driuen thereunto by force,
for the avoiding of but one objection, what can they possibly bewray, but distorted wits, especially seeing that it may be presumed of the most, that they were driven thereunto by force,
20. Notwithstanding, M. Parsons denieth not, but plainly confesseth, that fiue thousand such like instances of their contradictorie Answeres may be collected out of the Romish Writers in a weeke: and these kinde of contradictions seeme to him to be a matter to be laughed at.
20. Notwithstanding, M. Parsons Denieth not, but plainly Confesses, that fiue thousand such like instances of their contradictory Answers may be collected out of the Romish Writers in a Week: and these kind of contradictions seem to him to be a matter to be laughed At.
Can there bee any Sobriety in such a Laughter? or could he haue more preiudiced the Romish profession? For if our Aduersaries in satisfying of the Arguments of Protestants, in points of this nature, be thus inforced to thwart and contradict one another, what can more bewray the desperatenesse of their cause? Now followeth the last contradiction about this Question.
Can there be any Sobriety in such a Laughter? or could he have more prejudiced the Romish profession? For if our Adversaries in satisfying of the Arguments of Protestants, in points of this nature, be thus enforced to thwart and contradict one Another, what can more bewray the desperateness of their cause? Now follows the last contradiction about this Question.
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one is because, that Of the Epistle of Epiphanius vnto Iohn Bishop of Hierusalem, being almost wholly translated by S. Hierome in his Epistle to Pamachius, hath not in it that part, Cum venissem Anablatha, concerning that Image. This Answere was confuted by their Vasquez, who sheweth this Reason to bee Infirme.
one is Because, that Of the Epistle of Epiphanius unto John Bishop of Jerusalem, being almost wholly translated by S. Jerome in his Epistle to Pamachius, hath not in it that part, Cum venissem Annabella, Concerning that Image. This Answer was confuted by their Vasquez, who shows this Reason to be Infirm.
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Which is a meere falsitie, and so acknowledged by your Vasquez, shewing that Damascene spoke not of the Epistle of Epiphanius, written vnto Iohn of Hierusalem (which conteyneth the History of the Image) but of the Epistle which Epiphanius writ vnto Theodosius.
Which is a mere falsity, and so acknowledged by your Vasquez, showing that Damascene spoke not of the Epistle of Epiphanius, written unto John of Jerusalem (which Containeth the History of the Image) but of the Epistle which Epiphanius writ unto Theodosius.
Where we still see, that their great Doctors haue committed two notablevntruths, to proue one, viz. The Historie of the Image to be counterfeit. Now let vs see how M. Parsons will reckon hereabout. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Where we still see, that their great Doctors have committed two notablevntruths, to prove one, viz. The History of the Image to be counterfeit. Now let us see how M. Parsons will reckon hereabout. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
I Wish the Reader, that whereas Card. Bellarmine is here calumniated about Epiphanius Epistle, translated by S. Hierome for denying the last clause thereof to be his, he repaire,
I Wish the Reader, that whereas Card. Bellarmine is Here calumniated about Epiphanius Epistle, translated by S. Jerome for denying the last clause thereof to be his, he repair,
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before wee end this Reckoning: Tell me but with what reason you said, that I haue calumniated Bellarmine? That which I obiected was the testimony of your owne Iesuite Vasquez, who bestoweth a particular Chapter, in confuting the Obiections which are vsed by Romish Authours,
before we end this Reckoning: Tell me but with what reason you said, that I have calumniated Bellarmine? That which I objected was the testimony of your own Iesuite Vasquez, who bestoweth a particular Chapter, in confuting the Objections which Are used by Romish Authors,
and so doth Mast. Parsons his calumnious and vniust dealing, in obiecting calumniation against me. CHAP. VIII. Instances against Card. Bellarmine his Slanders, The first whether Caluinists be Pelagian Heretickes, in the point of Originall Sinne. SECT. I. The Charge.
and so does Mast. Parsons his calumnious and unjust dealing, in objecting calumniation against me. CHAP. VIII. Instances against Card. Bellarmine his Slanders, The First whither Calvinists be Pelagian Heretics, in the point of Original Sin. SECT. I. The Charge.
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1. FIRST I asked with what conscience Bellarmine could charge Caluine with the Heresie of the Pelagians, who denied that there was any originall sinne in Infants, especially being the children of faithful Parents? For as he could not be ignorant that This doctrine of denying originall sinne was (as their owne Iesuite confesseth) the proper heresie of the Pelagians.
1. FIRST I asked with what conscience Bellarmine could charge Calvin with the Heresy of the Pelagians, who denied that there was any original sin in Infants, especially being the children of faithful Parents? For as he could not be ignorant that This Doctrine of denying original sin was (as their own Iesuite Confesses) the proper heresy of the Pelagians.
And not so onely, but saith furthermore that Caluine and all other Protestants are so farre from denying originall sin, that they doe monstrously extend the nature thereof, euen vnto persons regenerate:
And not so only, but Says furthermore that Calvin and all other Protestants Are so Far from denying original since, that they do monstrously extend the nature thereof, even unto Persons regenerate:
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so it could not be but he must haue vnderstood, that Caluine was a greater Aduersarie vnto the Pelagian, then is any Romanist that can be named. Hereunto M. Parsons answereth. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
so it could not be but he must have understood, that Calvin was a greater Adversary unto the Pelagian, then is any Romanist that can be nam. Hereunto M. Parsons Answers. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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BEllar mine is guilefully abused by M. Morton, in setting downe his opinion, as though he had said that Caluine had denied with the Pelagians, that there is any originall sinne at all in Infants,
Bellar mine is guilefully abused by M. Mortonum, in setting down his opinion, as though he had said that Calvin had denied with the Pelagians, that there is any original sin At all in Infants,
The same doe teach Caluine, and Bucer. Thus he. The Reuiew. 2. Bellarmine his wordes stand thus: Pelagiani, &c. That is, The Pelagians taught two things,
The same do teach Calvin, and Bucer. Thus he. The Reuiew. 2. Bellarmine his words stand thus: Pelagian, etc. That is, The Pelagians taught two things,
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First, that there is no originall sin, especially in the children of the faithfull; and of this first he addeth, Primum, &c. That is, This first opinion Zuinglius, Bucer, and Calume doe plainely teach;
First, that there is no original since, especially in the children of the faithful; and of this First he adds, Primum, etc. That is, This First opinion Zwingli, Bucer, and Calumny do plainly teach;
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the second, that There is no originall sinne in the children of faithfull Parents; doth make both to be the heresie of the Pelagians. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning
the second, that There is no original sin in the children of faithful Parents; does make both to be the heresy of the Pelagians. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning
3. Why doth P. R. obiect this? where haue I said that Bellarmine affirmed absolutely, that Calume denyed all originall sinne in all Infants? but I haue alleaged him pertinently, as I haue shown;
3. Why does P. R. Object this? where have I said that Bellarmine affirmed absolutely, that Calumny denied all original sin in all Infants? but I have alleged him pertinently, as I have shown;
and do now further auerre in the behalf of Caluine, that Bellarmine, by affirming that Caluine did denie originall sinne in any kind of Infants, whether they be the children of Infidels or Christians, doth slanderously traduce Caluine, to draw him violently into the errour of Pelagianisme; which heresie Caluine abhorred and detested as gracelesse and damnable:
and do now further aver in the behalf of Calvin, that Bellarmine, by affirming that Calvin did deny original sin in any kind of Infants, whither they be the children of Infidels or Christians, does slanderously traduce Calvin, to draw him violently into the error of Pelagianism; which heresy Calvin abhorred and detested as graceless and damnable:
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Euident proofes that Caluine hath beene slandered by Bellarmine; and Protestants are generally freed from Pelagianisme in this point by their owne Vega, and that according to the iudgement of the Councell of Trent.
Evident proofs that Calvin hath been slandered by Bellarmine; and Protestants Are generally freed from Pelagianism in this point by their own Vega, and that according to the judgement of the Council of Trent.
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5. For first Caluine spendeth foure Sections in confutation of this doctrine, proouing that euery childe of Adam is borne in orginall sinne, from the example of Dauid, saying, that he was borne in iniquity, and conceiued in sinne:
5. For First Calvin spendeth foure Sectis in confutation of this Doctrine, proving that every child of Adam is born in Original sin, from the Exampl of David, saying, that he was born in iniquity, and conceived in sin:
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and as if he had sought to stoppe the mouth of all Slanderers, hee expresly confuteth the Pelagians doctrine, euen in this very point, Quod autem, &c. That is, But that the cauelling Pelagians do say ( saith he ) that it is not likely, that children should draw any corruption from godly Parents, from whom they doe rather receuse purity, it is easily confuted,
and as if he had sought to stop the Mouth of all Slanderers, he expressly confuteth the Pelagians Doctrine, even in this very point, Quod autem, etc. That is, But that the cavilling Pelagians do say (Says he) that it is not likely, that children should draw any corruption from godly Parents, from whom they do rather receuse purity, it is Easily confuted,
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Furthermore in that they partake of the parents sanctitie, it is the speciall blessing of God, which doth not hinder but that the vniuersall course of mankinde goeth before,
Furthermore in that they partake of the Parents sanctity, it is the special blessing of God, which does not hinder but that the universal course of mankind Goes before,
Caietane, Gabriel, Gerson, Catharine, and some other Catholikes say, that it is contrary to the mercie of God, that all children, which die without Baptisme should perish.
Cajetan, Gabriel, Gerson, Catherine, and Some other Catholics say, that it is contrary to the mercy of God, that all children, which die without Baptism should perish.
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Among others who were of the same opinion, are reckoned Tilmannus, Sigebergensis, Tho, Elisius, and Cassander, all affirming that although Infants want Baptismo aquae, that is, the out ward baptisine by water,
Among Others who were of the same opinion, Are reckoned Tilmannus, Sigebergensis, Though, Elisius, and Cassander, all affirming that although Infants want Baptismo Water, that is, the out ward Baptize by water,
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Notwithstanding all this, Bellarmine noteth Caluine for a Pelagian Hereticke, and tearmeth his owne Doctors Catholickes, which is a direct argument of a distorted and corrupt affection.
Notwithstanding all this, Bellarmine notes Calvin for a Pelagian Heretic, and termeth his own Doctors Catholics, which is a Direct argument of a distorted and corrupt affection.
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7. The second Accuser Valentia commeth nearer to the point, when (speaking of Protestants Kemnitius, Melancthon, Caluine, and all others ) he saith: Qui omnes, &c. Who all euery where,
7. The second Accuser Valentia comes nearer to the point, when (speaking of Protestants Kemnitius, Melanchthon, Calvin, and all Others) he Says: Qui omnes, etc. Who all every where,
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although they differ in word, yet they agree with a ioynt consent, affirming that originall sinne is an hereditary corruption and prauity of nature, which maketh vs. guilty of the eternall warth of God,
although they differ in word, yet they agree with a joint consent, affirming that original sin is an hereditary corruption and pravity of nature, which makes us guilty of the Eternal warth of God,
Which manner of speech may be applied to the iudgement of Illyricus, onely differing from him, in that he teacheth the hereditary corruption to be forme substantiall,
Which manner of speech may be applied to the judgement of Illyricus, only differing from him, in that he Teaches the hereditary corruption to be Form substantial,
And much more to this effect, as to confesse that Caluine placed Originall sinne principally in the Defect of perfect righteousnesse in our first conception, which defect is properly a sinne;
And much more to this Effect, as to confess that Calvin placed Original sin principally in the Defect of perfect righteousness in our First conception, which defect is properly a sin;
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So that in the children of the faithfull Parents, in respect of their naturall originall, wherein there is a Defect of perfect righteousnesse, they are sinfull and cursed;
So that in the children of the faithful Parents, in respect of their natural original, wherein there is a Defect of perfect righteousness, they Are sinful and cursed;
8. Vega, a Doctor greatly commended by the Iesuite Canisius, and a principall Actor in the Councell of Trent, doth, in expounding the meaning of that Councell, yeeld vnto vs this his ingenuous and iudicious confession;
8. Vega, a Doctor greatly commended by the Iesuite Canisius, and a principal Actor in the Council of Trent, does, in expounding the meaning of that Council, yield unto us this his ingenuous and judicious Confessi;
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The Protestants (speaking of all that hee had read, (and his reading of Caluine he sheweth almost in euery Chapter) do teach in their Confessions, Apologies,
The Protestants (speaking of all that he had read, (and his reading of Calvin he shows almost in every Chapter) do teach in their Confessions, Apologies,
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Doe you heare this, M. Parsons? Caluine and Bucer are accused by Bellarmine for dissenting from your Church, by denying originall sinne in the children of faithfull Parents.
Do you hear this, M. Parsons? Calvin and Bucer Are accused by Bellarmine for dissenting from your Church, by denying original sin in the children of faithful Parents.
and that euen according to the meaning of the Councell of Trent. How then may your Cardinall bee thought to haue dealt honestly or conscionably with Caluine? But they haue decreed to draw Caluine within the compasse of 〈 ◊ 〉 and to this purpose they proceed to another Question.
and that even according to the meaning of the Council of Trent. How then may your Cardinal be Thought to have dealt honestly or Conscionably with Calvin? But they have decreed to draw Calvin within the compass of 〈 ◊ 〉 and to this purpose they proceed to Another Question.
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WHereas Card. Bellarmine did charge Caluine and Oaluinists with two principall errours of the Pelagians, the one, that which now hath been handled, Of denying Originall Sin in children and Infants of the faithfull;
WHereas Card. Bellarmine did charge Calvin and Oaluinists with two principal errors of the Pelagians, the one, that which now hath been handled, Of denying Original since in children and Infants of the faithful;
and consequently that all sinne is mortall, Bellarmine cyting for the same the testimony of S. Hierome, who ascribeth that for Heresie vnto the Pelagians. And whereas in like manner he proueth the same heresie not onely to bee held by Luther and Melancthon but also by Caluine in diuers partes of his workes, as 1. 2. Instit. c. 8. §. 85. & 1. 3. c. 4. §. 28. &c. M Morton taking vpon him to cleare Caluine in the former charge about originall sinne,
and consequently that all sin is Mortal, Bellarmine citing for the same the testimony of S. Jerome, who ascribeth that for Heresy unto the Pelagians. And whereas in like manner he Proves the same heresy not only to be held by Luther and Melanchthon but also by Calvin in diverse parts of his works, as 1. 2. Institutio c. 8. §. 85. & 1. 3. c. 4. §. 28. etc. M Mortonum taking upon him to clear Calvin in the former charge about original sin,
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though so vnluckily as you haue heard, saith neuer a word against this second, about the distinction of veniall and mortall sinnes, whereby it is euident in all probability, that he admitted that for true,
though so unluckily as you have herd, Says never a word against this second, about the distinction of venial and Mortal Sins, whereby it is evident in all probability, that he admitted that for true,
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By Gods mercy, (who doth not deale with his regenerate according to his exact iustice) many kind of infirmities may be called Veniall. In which respect onely, your Roffensis is noted to haue iudged of them accordingly, calling them Veniall, but not in their nature;
By God's mercy, (who does not deal with his regenerate according to his exact Justice) many kind of infirmities may be called Venial. In which respect only, your Roffensis is noted to have judged of them accordingly, calling them Venial, but not in their nature;
but onely through the mercy of God, who doth not impute them vnto damnation. And what the impossibilitie of contrary doctrine is, hath beene likewise manifested at large.
but only through the mercy of God, who does not impute them unto damnation. And what the impossibility of contrary Doctrine is, hath been likewise manifested At large.
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When as his own Authors note that The Heresie of the Nouatians was this, viz. to denie any man, who should sinne after Baptisme, all hope of remission of sinnes, although he should repent.
When as his own Authors note that The Heresy of the Novatians was this, viz. to deny any man, who should sin After Baptism, all hope of remission of Sins, although he should Repent.
Yea and also Bellarmine himselfe, in behalfe of Protestants, confesseth els-where, that They require repentance and faith in Christians, that they may be iustified and obtaine Remission of sinnes.
Yea and also Bellarmine himself, in behalf of Protestants, Confesses elsewhere, that They require Repentance and faith in Christians, that they may be justified and obtain Remission of Sins.
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or as it consisteth in outward signes of sorrow, weeping, confession, and outward chastisements; yea and almost all of them allow an outward rite of absolution.
or as it Consisteth in outward Signs of sorrow, weeping, Confessi, and outward chastisements; yea and almost all of them allow an outward rite of absolution.
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His drift is to argue Bellarmine of falsitie, for affirming that Protestants of our dayes doe ioyne with the old Heretickes, the Nouatians, in taking from the Church All power of reconciling men vnto God, for these are Bellarmines words,
His drift is to argue Bellarmine of falsity, for affirming that Protestants of our days do join with the old Heretics, the Novatians, in taking from the Church All power of reconciling men unto God, for these Are Bellarmines words,
for the Nouatians taught both points, principally that ther was no power in the Church to reconcile them, who fell after baptisme, especially into grieuous sinnes,
for the Novatians taught both points, principally that there was no power in the Church to reconcile them, who fell After Baptism, especially into grievous Sins,
as testifieth Suarez (although others be of a contrary opinion) which was to denie furthermore, besides the Sacrament, all vertue of Penance whatsoeuer, whether priuate or Sacramentall.
as Testifieth Suarez (although Others be of a contrary opinion) which was to deny furthermore, beside the Sacrament, all virtue of Penance whatsoever, whither private or Sacramental.
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therefore Bellarmine said not truly, that they denied the Sacramentall vse thereof, is a most absurd manner of reasoning, called à disparatis, for both may be true, the one excludeth not the other. The Reueiwe.
Therefore Bellarmine said not truly, that they denied the Sacramental use thereof, is a most absurd manner of reasoning, called à disparatis, for both may be true, the one excludeth not the other. The Reueiwe.
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13. If I shall giue you leaue to make my Reasonings, it is not vnlikely but I may haue them absurd: you must therefore suffer me to make mine own account, which I will bring into the true forme of reasoning thus:
13. If I shall give you leave to make my Reasonings, it is not unlikely but I may have them absurd: you must Therefore suffer me to make mine own account, which I will bring into the true Form of reasoning thus:
Whosoeuer doth hold the heresie of the Nouatians, in the deniall of remission of sinnes, doth (according to the iudgement of Alphonsus de Castro ) denie That there is any hope in any man, sinning after Baptisme, to obtaine remission of sinne, although he shall repent:
Whosoever does hold the heresy of the Novatians, in the denial of remission of Sins, does (according to the judgement of Alphonsus de Castro) deny That there is any hope in any man, sinning After Baptism, to obtain remission of sin, although he shall Repent:
14. Is not this conclusion established in the Maior by Castro, and in the Minor, by Bellarmine, which in the conclusion is fully contradictory vnto his former assertion, where he said, Protestants hold the Heresie of the Nouatians? Neither is the argument taken à disparat is, but à contradicentibus, and standeth thus:
14. Is not this conclusion established in the Mayor by Castro, and in the Minor, by Bellarmine, which in the conclusion is Fully contradictory unto his former assertion, where he said, Protestants hold the Heresy of the Novatians? Neither is the argument taken à Desperate is, but à contradicentibus, and Stands thus:
Nouatians denie all hope of remission of sinnes committed after Baptisme, and Protestants confesse some hope of remission of sinnes committed after Baptisme.
Novatians deny all hope of remission of Sins committed After Baptism, and Protestants confess Some hope of remission of Sins committed After Baptism.
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and Almost all of them (saith Bellarmine) doe allow an outward rite thereof: for the reconciliation, in respect of notorious sinners, which the Nouatians did denie.
and Almost all of them (Says Bellarmine) do allow an outward rite thereof: for the reconciliation, in respect of notorious Sinners, which the Novatians did deny.
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or censured to be the heresie of the Nouatians. Therefore Bellarmine by deuising a newe heresie, which he calleth Nouatianisme, that he might drawe Protestants into the guilt of an heresie, hath committed a grosse and inexcusable slaunder.
or censured to be the heresy of the Novatians. Therefore Bellarmine by devising a new heresy, which he calls Nouatianisme, that he might draw Protestants into the guilt of an heresy, hath committed a gross and inexcusable slander.
16. If you had spoken in Bellarmines Dialect, you would not haue said the Deniall of Sacramentall Penance, but the Denying of Penance to be a Sacrament.
16. If you had spoken in Bellarmines Dialect, you would not have said the Denial of Sacramental Penance, but the Denying of Penance to be a Sacrament.
Now I shewed out of your owne Authours Castro, Vega, Maldonate, that they, in censuring the errour of the Nouatians, did neuer note this to be the Nouatians heresie, viz. [ The deniall of Penance to be a Sacrament.
Now I showed out of your own Authors Castro, Vega, Maldonate, that they, in censuring the error of the Novatians, did never note this to be the Novatians heresy, viz. [ The denial of Penance to be a Sacrament.
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for although the denying of All power of Penance doth imply a deniall of All Sacramentall power, yet because the former was an heresie, it doth not follow that the latter must be also hereticall.
for although the denying of All power of Penance does imply a denial of All Sacramental power, yet Because the former was an heresy, it does not follow that the latter must be also heretical.
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For the Sadduces denying the Resurrection of mens bodies, which is an heresie, of heresie, doe consequently denie, that in the Resurrection mens bodies shall haue their paradise vpon earth, which was the opinion of some:
For the Sadducees denying the Resurrection of men's bodies, which is an heresy, of heresy, do consequently deny, that in the Resurrection men's bodies shall have their paradise upon earth, which was the opinion of Some:
The first of all may be, that whereas Card Bellarmine, to proue that our moderne Protestants doe symbolize and agree with the olde Nouatian heresies, alleageth two particular Instances;
The First of all may be, that whereas Carded Bellarmine, to prove that our modern Protestants do symbolise and agree with the old Novatian heresies, allegeth two particular Instances;
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18. That which in my Preamble was, for breuity sake, remitted to a further Treatise, no man of discretion would conclude to be therefore omitted craftily, as though it could not be iustly confuted.
18. That which in my Preamble was, for brevity sake, remitted to a further Treatise, no man of discretion would conclude to be Therefore omitted craftily, as though it could not be justly confuted.
Yet such is the intemperate &, indeed, vnfortunate peremptorinesse of M. Parsons, for I haue elsewhere noted, that Bellarmine, euen in this second point, hath committed an iniury not onely against Caluine, but euen against the Nouatians themselues;
Yet such is the intemperate &, indeed, unfortunate peremptoriness of M. Parsons, for I have elsewhere noted, that Bellarmine, even in this second point, hath committed an injury not only against Calvin, but even against the Novatians themselves;
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where this, & the rest of the heresies, which are obiected, are handled at large. Whereby the discreet Reader will perceiue, that there was as little fraud in my omission,
where this, & the rest of the heresies, which Are objected, Are handled At large. Whereby the discreet Reader will perceive, that there was as little fraud in my omission,
THe second fraud is, that when Bellarm. saith, that this was the principall error of the Nouatians, the word [ principall ] importing that they had other errours besides, is craftily cut off by M. Morton. The Reuiewe and discharge.
THe second fraud is, that when Bellarmine Says, that this was the principal error of the Novatians, the word [ principal ] importing that they had other errors beside, is craftily Cut off by M. Mortonum. The Reuiewe and discharge.
I, for breuity sake, prooued Card. Bellarmine a Slaunderer in the principall, and M. Parsons is offended with me, that I haue spared his reputation in the lesse principall;
I, for brevity sake, proved Card. Bellarmine a Slanderer in the principal, and M. Parsons is offended with me, that I have spared his reputation in the less principal;
20. M. Parsons his pallate is so distempered, that it turneth euery thing that it tasteth into craft, which vnto me seemeth to be an argument of his selfe-guiltinesse in points of craftinesse. I alleaged the sentence thus:
20. M. Parsons his palate is so distempered, that it turns every thing that it tasteth into craft, which unto me seems to be an argument of his self-guiltiness in points of craftiness. I alleged the sentence thus:
Nouatians denie all hope of remission of sinne after Baptisme. This was sufficient for the acknowledgement of a power in Baptisme for remission of sinne.
Novatians deny all hope of remission of sin After Baptism. This was sufficient for the acknowledgement of a power in Baptism for remission of sin.
The words were shufled out of the text (saith he) for that they haue relation vnto the Priests of the Church, to whom it appertayneth by publique and ordinary office to baptize.
The words were shuffled out of the text (Says he) for that they have Relation unto the Priests of the Church, to whom it appertaineth by public and ordinary office to baptise.
THirdly, he doth bring in guilefully the foresaid testimony of Castro, Vega, and Maldonate, as contrary to Bellarmine, whereas they speake of another thing, to wit, of Penance in another sense. The Reuiew, and discharge.
Thirdly, he does bring in guilefully the foresaid testimony of Castro, Vega, and Maldonate, as contrary to Bellarmine, whereas they speak of Another thing, to wit, of Penance in Another sense. The Reuiew, and discharge.
Neyther was there euer any auncient Father or Romish Writer, whom Mast. Parsons could produce, who so conceiued of the Nouatian Heresie, as Bellarmine hath done, who rather then Protestants should not be Nouatian Heretickes, hath feigned a new Heresie, which was neuer imputed to the Nouatians: which is, I must needes say, a craft and fraude intollerable.
Neither was there ever any ancient Father or Romish Writer, whom Mast. Parsons could produce, who so conceived of the Novatian Heresy, as Bellarmine hath done, who rather then Protestants should not be Novatian Heretics, hath feigned a new Heresy, which was never imputed to the Novatians: which is, I must needs say, a craft and fraud intolerable.
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22. The fourth traducement hath beene answered before, and the last is more childish then any of the rest, which is the alleaging of Luther truely in that sense, which I haue already iustified to be most true. SECT. III.
22. The fourth traducement hath been answered before, and the last is more childish then any of the rest, which is the alleging of Luther truly in that sense, which I have already justified to be most true. SECT. III.
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23. Wisely, forsooth, M. Parsons; Bellarmine is supposed to haue written knowingly what was the opinion of the Manichees concerning Free-will, and as knowingly, to haue acknowledged the contrary opinion of Caluine: and yet notwithstanding did he ascribe vnto Caluine that opinion of the Manichees. Can this but imply a contradiction? But you say, this might haue beene by him not in falshood, but vpon errour. so any thing, wherein you haue charged mee with falshood, might haue proceeded onely from errour. Is not this a rare point of wisedome,
23. Wisely, forsooth, M. Parsons; Bellarmine is supposed to have written knowingly what was the opinion of the manichees Concerning Freewill, and as knowingly, to have acknowledged the contrary opinion of Calvin: and yet notwithstanding did he ascribe unto Calvin that opinion of the manichees. Can this but imply a contradiction? But you say, this might have been by him not in falsehood, but upon error. so any thing, wherein you have charged me with falsehood, might have proceeded only from error. Is not this a rare point of Wisdom,
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so to excuse and free Bellarmine from falshood, as that your owne Accusations of falshood shall be of no force? Where is the Folly now? But now to the fraude. M. PARSONS his Reckoning, and charge of fraude.
so to excuse and free Bellarmine from falsehood, as that your own Accusations of falsehood shall be of no force? Where is the Folly now? But now to the fraud. M. PARSONS his Reckoning, and charge of fraud.
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CAluine graunting free will to haue beene in man before the fall, and lost after the first sinne of Adam, may concurre with the Manichees in this, that after the fal of Adam, as now we liue, we haue free-wil,
Calvin granting free will to have been in man before the fallen, and lost After the First sin of Adam, may concur with the manichees in this, that After the fall of Adam, as now we live, we have freewill,
The Manichees taught that man after Adams fall had no free-will, as both S. Hierome and S. Augustine doe testifie in the sentence of Mr. Morton here set downe (though craftily he couered their names) and Bellarmine proueth Caluine to hold the same, out of his owne wordes and workes.
The manichees taught that man After Adams fallen had no freewill, as both S. Jerome and S. Augustine do testify in the sentence of Mr. Mortonum Here Set down (though craftily he covered their names) and Bellarmine Proves Calvin to hold the same, out of his own words and works.
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24. What is this? Do those Fathers speake os Free-will after Adams fall? Eyther M. Parsons vnderstandeth not Bellarmine, or else Bellarmine vnderstood not those Fathers, sor I am sure they spake of the Manichees denying free-will in mans first creation:
24. What is this? Do those Father's speak os Freewill After Adams fallen? Either M. Parsons understandeth not Bellarmine, or Else Bellarmine understood not those Father's, sor I am sure they spoke of the manichees denying freewill in men First creation:
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They ascribed the originall cause of sinne not vnto the free-will of man but to the substance of an aducrse and contrary Nation, which they taught to be mixed in man, telling vs, that all flesh is not the workemanshippe of God, but of an euill Ghost.
They ascribed the original cause of sin not unto the freewill of man but to the substance of an aducrse and contrary nation, which they taught to be mixed in man, telling us, that all Flesh is not the workmanship of God, but of an evil Ghost.
Heete is a manisest mention of the nature of man in his first workemanship, and an exposition of the 〈 ◊ 〉 of the Manichees, ascribing the beginning of Euill, not vnto the freewill of the created nature, but vnto the eternall cuill Creator, which was the Authour of that euill.
Heat is a manifest mention of the nature of man in his First workmanship, and an exposition of the 〈 ◊ 〉 of the manichees, ascribing the beginning of Evil, not unto the freewill of the created nature, but unto the Eternal cuill Creator, which was the Author of that evil.
What he futhermore meaneth by condemning the nature of man, wherein they acknowledge no free-will, he sheweth, where he condemneth the Manichees, for saying that There was two created natures of man, one of the children of perdition, the other of the good ones.
What he furthermore means by condemning the nature of man, wherein they acknowledge no freewill, he shows, where he Condemneth the manichees, for saying that There was two created nature's of man, one of the children of perdition, the other of the good ones.
how is the prodigall child said to haue beene lost, except first he had beene in some safe estate? All this concerneth Free-will in the first creation.
how is the prodigal child said to have been lost, except First he had been in Some safe estate? All this concerns Freewill in the First creation.
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ANother fraud, though somewhat lesse perhaps then the former, was, that in setting downe the charge of Bellarmine against Caluine, he recounteth the same as in Bellarmines own words, which are the words of S. Hierome and S. Augustine. And why, thinke you, did Mr. Morton conceale these two Fathers names? the causes are euident,
another fraud, though somewhat less perhaps then the former, was, that in setting down the charge of Bellarmine against Calvin, he recounteth the same as in Bellarmines own words, which Are the words of S. Jerome and S. Augustine. And why, think you, did Mr. Mortonum conceal these two Father's names? the Causes Are evident,
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26. Bellarmine alleadging the former sentence out of the Fathers, to wit, The Manichees condemned the nature of man, denying freedome of will, did adde of his owne;
26. Bellarmine alleging the former sentence out of the Father's, to wit, The manichees condemned the nature of man, denying freedom of will, did add of his own;
euen because I did not alledge the sentence in the names of those Fathers, whereby the lauishnesse of the slaunder might haue beene made more manifest,
even Because I did not allege the sentence in the names of those Father's, whereby the lavishness of the slander might have been made more manifest,
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27. And for a more perfect conuiction both of Mr. Parsons, and his Client, it will not be impertinent to set downe the confession of their owne Iesuite Maldonate, Many Fathers ( saith he ) by the substance, which the Prodigall child lost ( Luc. 15. ) did vnderstand Free-will,
27. And for a more perfect conviction both of Mr. Parsons, and his Client, it will not be impertinent to Set down the Confessi of their own Iesuite Maldonate, Many Father's (Says he) by the substance, which the Prodigal child lost (Luke 15.) did understand Freewill,
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Man, by abusing his Free-will, lost both it, and himselfe? yea and the Schoolemen thought ( saith Erasmus) that Saint Augustine in some places yeelded too little vnto mans Free-will.
Man, by abusing his Freewill, lost both it, and himself? yea and the Schoolmen Thought (Says Erasmus) that Saint Augustine in Some places yielded too little unto men Freewill.
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WHereas Card. Bellarmine doth alleadge two points, wherin the Protestants of our time, but especially Caluine, do con curre with the Manichean Heresie;
WHereas Card. Bellarmine does allege two points, wherein the Protestants of our time, but especially Calvin, do con cur with the Manichean Heresy;
the one, that which hath bene sayd of the denying of Free-will, the other in reprehending and condemning Abraham, Samson, Sara, Rebecca, &c. and other Saints of the old Testaments,
the one, that which hath be said of the denying of Freewill, the other in reprehending and condemning Abraham, samson, Sarah, Rebecca, etc. and other Saints of the old Testaments,
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M. Morton passeth ouer with silence this latter proof as vnanswerable, yet will haue vs thinke that Bellarmine did iniure Caluine, in noting him with the Manichean Heresie:
M. Mortonum passes over with silence this latter proof as unanswerable, yet will have us think that Bellarmine did injure Calvin, in noting him with the Manichean Heresy:
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which is as much as if a man hauing two writings to shew for a suit in Law, the Atturney of the Aduerse parte should suppresse the one, which is most plaine and euident, and cauill about the other. The Reueiwe.
which is as much as if a man having two writings to show for a suit in Law, the attorney of the Adverse part should suppress the one, which is most plain and evident, and cavil about the other. The Reueiwe.
29. First I prooued out of your owne Doctors, that the Heresie of the Manichees, was not the noting of the Idolatry of Abraham, &c. Secondly, that to say with Caluine, that Abraham had once beene an Idolater, is no Heresie,
29. First I proved out of your own Doctors, that the Heresy of the manichees, was not the noting of the Idolatry of Abraham, etc. Secondly, that to say with Calvin, that Abraham had once been an Idolater, is no Heresy,
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& other Authors, such as Genebrard, Masius, yea and by Iewish Rabbins, and Philo: afterward by Lindane out of Suidas and Saint Augustine. To which of all these dare you (who are so bold with Caluine ) ascribe the note of the forenamed heresie of the Manichees? Therefore it cannot be,
& other Authors, such as Genebrard, Masius, yea and by Jewish Rabbis, and Philo: afterwards by Lindane out of Suidas and Saint Augustine. To which of all these Dare you (who Are so bold with Calvin) ascribe the note of the forenamed heresy of the manichees? Therefore it cannot be,
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but that this your Holy itch, (as you haue named it) doth proceede from a malignant humour. SECT. IIII. The fourth slaunder vsed by Bellarmine. The charge.
but that this your Holy itch, (as you have nam it) does proceed from a malignant humour. SECT. IIII. The fourth slander used by Bellarmine. The charge.
30. HEe accused Bullinger of Arianisme, because of this sentence, [ Tres sunt non statu, sed gradu, &c. Notwithstanding'he knew that this was the very sentence of Tertullian. And is therefore else-where expounded as orthodoxall and iustifiable by himselfe.
30. He accused Bullinger of Arianism, Because of this sentence, [ Tres sunt non Statu, sed Grade, etc. Notwithstanding'he knew that this was the very sentence of Tertullian. And is Therefore elsewhere expounded as orthodoxal and justifiable by himself.
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And now Mr. Parsons telleth vs, that Bellarmine cutting off the latter part of the sentence, aunswered onely the first two words, Non statu, sed gradu:
And now Mr. Parsons Telleth us, that Bellarmine cutting off the latter part of the sentence, answered only the First two words, Non Statu, sed Grade:
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so that when Mr. Parsons would free Bellarmine from a slaunder, he doth in effect accuse him of singular fraud, in cutting ost the chiefe part of the sentence of Tertullian, as though it had beene vnanswerable,
so that when Mr. Parsons would free Bellarmine from a slander, he does in Effect accuse him of singular fraud, in cutting ost the chief part of the sentence of Tertullian, as though it had been unanswerable,
and so (as much as that testimonie of Tertullian could worke) betrayed the Catholick cause vnto the Arians. Whensoeuer I happened to cut off any sentence,
and so (as much as that testimony of Tertullian could work) betrayed the Catholic cause unto the Arians. Whensoever I happened to Cut off any sentence,
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Surely, this prooueth that Mr. Parsons was nothing lesse then Sober (for spitefulnesse is a kind of drunkennesse) when he made this Reckoning, who, that hec might charge me with abusing of Bellarmine, hath himselfe so farre abused Bellarmine, as to make him a fraudulent Abuser of Tertullian. Master PARSONS his Reckoning, and second charge of Fraude.
Surely, this proveth that Mr. Parsons was nothing less then Sobrium (for spitefulness is a kind of Drunkenness) when he made this Reckoning, who, that hec might charge me with abusing of Bellarmine, hath himself so Far abused Bellarmine, as to make him a fraudulent abuser of Tertullian. Master PARSONS his Reckoning, and second charge of Fraud.
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but Bullinger is reprehended for vsing the same sentence, Tressunt, &c. Which Mr. Morton would haue his Reader thinke he had allowed. The Reuiewe, and discharge.
but Bullinger is reprehended for using the same sentence, Tressunt, etc. Which Mr. Mortonum would have his Reader think he had allowed. The Reuiewe, and discharge.
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nor any inference to bee iustly made out of it, but intimating onely that Valentia knew that this was the Sentence of Tertullian, which probably he did:
nor any Inference to be justly made out of it, but intimating only that Valentia knew that this was the Sentence of Tertullian, which probably he did:
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For the senteuce, which I alleaged was thus Verbatim set down in the Author of the Preface vnto Tertullian: Sic scribit Tertullianus aduersus Praxeam, Tres sunt non statu sed gradu; non substantiâ, sed formâ; non potestate, sed specie differentes.
For the senteuce, which I alleged was thus Verbatim Set down in the Author of the Preface unto Tertullian: Sic Scribit Tertullian Adversus Praxeas, Tres sunt non Statu sed Grade; non substantiâ, sed formâ; non potestate, sed specie differentes.
But the whole sentence of Tertullian he neuer defended nor admitted, but held it rather for erroneous in Tertullian, and hereticall in Bullinger: And now, you see what notable aduantage M. Morton hath gotten out of this his so notable obiection. The Reueiwe.
But the Whole sentence of Tertullian he never defended nor admitted, but held it rather for erroneous in Tertullian, and heretical in Bullinger: And now, you see what notable advantage M. Mortonum hath got out of this his so notable objection. The Reueiwe.
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Thirdly I discerne in you, Mr. Parsons, eyther ignorance not to vnderstand, or malice not to acknowledge the truth of this doctrine of Tertullian, which hath beene thus cleared by the Authour of the Admonition, concerning the opinions of Tertullian, praefixed before his workes, expounding the fore-named sentence, Tres sunt, &c. thus;
Thirdly I discern in you, Mr. Parsons, either ignorance not to understand, or malice not to acknowledge the truth of this Doctrine of Tertullian, which hath been thus cleared by the Author of the Admonition, Concerning the opinions of Tertullian, prefixed before his works, expounding the forenamed sentence, Tres sunt, etc. thus;
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In another place he together with his fellowe Iesuite, hath publickely recorded that it is a common Obiection of Protestants prouing from Scriptures, against the doctrine of Purgatory, that the soules of the faithfull presently after death, go directly vnto heauen. Hereunto Master Parsons doth aunswere. Octaua ob. & Gregor. de Valent.
In Another place he together with his fellow Iesuite, hath publicly recorded that it is a Common Objection of Protestants proving from Scriptures, against the Doctrine of Purgatory, that the Souls of the faithful presently After death, go directly unto heaven. Hereunto Master Parsons does answer. Octaua ob. & Gregory. de Valent.
I Haue consulted with Bellarmine, at leastwise with his booke, and hee answereth that the word, Protestants, twise heere repoated, is not found in him in the place by you cyted:
I Have consulted with Bellarmine, At leastwise with his book, and he Answers that the word, Protestants, twice Here repoated, is not found in him in the place by you cited:
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for that hee ascribeth not this heresie vnto all Protestants in generall, but onely vnto three in particular of our time, viz. Luther. Cornelius Agrippa, and John Caluine. So as M. Morton hath made him to taxe all Protestants,
for that he ascribeth not this heresy unto all Protestants in general, but only unto three in particular of our time, viz. Luther. Cornelius Agrippa, and John Calvin. So as M. Mortonum hath made him to Tax all Protestants,
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In whom then is the fraude? But you say he noted Caluine and Luther by name. As though in them hee did not often condemne Protestants in generall, although not in vniuersall.
In whom then is the fraud? But you say he noted Calvin and Luther by name. As though in them he did not often condemn Protestants in general, although not in universal.
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And because you say you haue consulted with Bellarmine, or with his booke; I must tell you, that either your outward or inward sight hath deceiued you,
And Because you say you have consulted with Bellarmine, or with his book; I must tell you, that either your outward or inward sighed hath deceived you,
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Doe you not see that Calumists are here generally charged with this error? And in the margent I said Caluinists. After that you haue examined this, it may be you will confesse that by your former Consultation you made no Sober Reckoning.
Do you not see that Calumists Are Here generally charged with this error? And in the margin I said Calvinists. After that you have examined this, it may be you will confess that by your former Consultation you made no Sobrium Reckoning.
Doost thou not see (good Reader) what an vnhappy Proctor M. Parsons is become in Bellarmines behalfe, who will seeme to haue consulted in this point with Card. Bellarmine, and yet yeeldeth no better satisfaction,
Dost thou not see (good Reader) what an unhappy Proctor M. Parsons is become in Bellarmines behalf, who will seem to have consulted in this point with Card. Bellarmine, and yet yields no better satisfaction,
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then that which may bee a confutation both of him and of his booke? If the Card. should know this, it may be M. Parsons should heare that non eris vltrà villicus: and be presently put out of this office of Reckoning.
then that which may be a confutation both of him and of his book? If the Card. should know this, it may be M. Parsons should hear that non eris vltrà Villicus: and be presently put out of this office of Reckoning.
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first Caluine, who is the party accused, deliuereth vnto vs, as part of his Creed, saying, Credimus quòd, &c. We beleeue that which Paul speakes, viz When our earthly house is destroyed, we shall haue a permanent house In Heauen;
First Calvin, who is the party accused, Delivereth unto us, as part of his Creed, saying, Credimus quòd, etc. We believe that which Paul speaks, videlicet When our earthly house is destroyed, we shall have a permanent house In Heaven;
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and enioy the happinesse of that Kingdome, yet the perfect felicity (whereby Caluin meaneth that which is the consummation of blessednes both in body and soule, which cannot be vntill the generall Resurrection) God hath referred vntil the second comming of Christ.
and enjoy the happiness of that Kingdom, yet the perfect felicity (whereby Calvin means that which is the consummation of blessedness both in body and soul, which cannot be until the general Resurrection) God hath referred until the second coming of christ.
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What better Comment would any require of one Article of faith, concerning the direct passage of soules into the reall Kingdome of God in heauen? Thus much the accused partie for himselfe.
What better Comment would any require of one Article of faith, Concerning the Direct passage of Souls into the real Kingdom of God in heaven? Thus much the accused party for himself.
38. But what if Bellarmine, who is his Accuser, shall also free him from excluding the soules of Saints out of Heauen? Si quis petat, &c. If any (saith Bellarmine ) doe aske Caluine where the soules of the iust were,
38. But what if Bellarmine, who is his Accuser, shall also free him from excluding the Souls of Saints out of Heaven? Si quis petat, etc. If any (Says Bellarmine) do ask Calvin where the Souls of the just were,
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before Christs comming, entred into Heauen: And would he then exclude the faithfull of the new Testament from the same hope? No; for Caluine himselfe reasoneth thus:
before Christ coming, entered into Heaven: And would he then exclude the faithful of the new Testament from the same hope? No; for Calvin himself reasoneth thus:
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39. Furthermore that his malice heerein may better appeare, we shall finde that first he depraueth the sentences of Caluine notoriously, by wresting his obscure sentences, rather then by acknowledging his most plaine conclusions.
39. Furthermore that his malice herein may better appear, we shall find that First he depraveth the sentences of Calvin notoriously, by wresting his Obscure sentences, rather then by acknowledging his most plain conclusions.
40. Secondly, by peruerting the testimony alleaged out of Caluine: for whereas Caluine said: Christus solus ingressus est Sanctuarium, Christ onely entred into the Sanctuary of heauen;
40. Secondly, by perverting the testimony alleged out of Calvin: for whereas Calvin said: Christus solus ingressus est Sanctuarium, christ only entered into the Sanctuary of heaven;
distinguishing the Sanctuary of heauen from the Atrium; Bellarmine maketh his conclusion to haue beene, Christum solum esse in caelo, that is, Christ onely to be in heauen, as though there were not in heauen (as Christ speaketh) many Mansions; and that he, who is not in the chiefe place of heauen, were therefore excluded out of heauen. This is another falshood.
distinguishing the Sanctuary of heaven from the Atrium; Bellarmine makes his conclusion to have been, Christ solum esse in caelo, that is, christ only to be in heaven, as though there were not in heaven (as christ speaks) many Mansions; and that he, who is not in the chief place of heaven, were Therefore excluded out of heaven. This is Another falsehood.
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whilst only the high Priest went into the Sanctuary to offer for the people) and saith, that so Christ our high Priest is onely entred into the Sanctuary of Heauen, that he may offer vp the vowes of the people, which stand in the Porch a farre off;
while only the high Priest went into the Sanctuary to offer for the people) and Says, that so christ our high Priest is only entered into the Sanctuary of Heaven, that he may offer up the vows of the people, which stand in the Porch a Far off;
meaning the people of the militant Church in this life, of whom he said, Sic membrorum omnium adhuc in terra laborantium vnus Mediator Christus, That is, Christ is the onely Mediator for his members, which trauell in this earth.
meaning the people of the militant Church in this life, of whom he said, Sic Members omnium Adhoc in terra laborantium vnus Mediator Christus, That is, christ is the only Mediator for his members, which travel in this earth.
and had said that the soules departed could not enter into the Sanctuary, yet Bellarmine knowing other plaine and iustifiable sentences of Caluine, might haue affoorded his obscure places as fauourable an exposition,
and had said that the Souls departed could not enter into the Sanctuary, yet Bellarmine knowing other plain and justifiable sentences of Calvin, might have afforded his Obscure places as favourable an exposition,
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as he allowed S. Bernard, who taught an Atrium also, to wit, Dicit quidem Bernardus, &c. Bernard indeed saith, that the Saints shal not see God before the resurrection,
as he allowed S. Bernard, who taught an Atrium also, to wit, Dicit quidem Bernard, etc. Bernard indeed Says, that the Saints shall not see God before the resurrection,
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Here againe wee may discerne a malignancie in our Romish Writers, who when they finde Fathers and Protestants agreeing in the same tearmes (as before was obserued in the testimony of Tertullian ) yet do they iustifie the sayings of the Fathers as holy truths,
Here again we may discern a malignancy in our Romish Writers, who when they find Father's and Protestants agreeing in the same terms (as before was observed in the testimony of Tertullian) yet do they justify the sayings of the Father's as holy truths,
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I Haue consulted with Bellarmine, at least with his booke, and he ascribeth this heresie vnto Caluine and Luther, &c. The Reueiwe. 43. He doth so indeed:
I Have consulted with Bellarmine, At least with his book, and he ascribeth this heresy unto Calvin and Luther, etc. The Reueiwe. 43. He does so indeed:
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but by what witnesse? euen by Staphylus, a Romanist, and a professed Rayler against Luther: Lastly, from what place? From his Lectures vpon Gen. where I can finde nothing for defence of that errour,
but by what witness? even by Staphylus, a Romanist, and a professed Railer against Luther: Lastly, from what place? From his Lectures upon Gen. where I can find nothing for defence of that error,
25. where (after that hee had affirmed, that the soules of the iust after death, doe not go eyther into Hell, or into Purgatorie, but into peace ) he saith Iustos omnes, &c. That is:
25. where (After that he had affirmed, that the Souls of the just After death, do not go either into Hell, or into Purgatory, but into peace) he Says Iustos omnes, etc. That is:
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44. It may please the Reader to obserue, that whereas I happended to produce the testimony of Tolossanus, a Romish Authour, cyting Frising ensis against the violent and turbulent practizes of later Popes, M. Parsons held it to be a fraudulent iniury to alleage the Relater Tolossanus, and not Frisingensis, who was the Authour himselfe.
44. It may please the Reader to observe, that whereas I happened to produce the testimony of Tolossanus, a Romish Author, citing Freising ensis against the violent and turbulent practises of later Popes, M. Parsons held it to be a fraudulent injury to allege the Relater Tolossanus, and not Freisingensis, who was the Author himself.
But now M. Parsons in this place, seeth Bellarmine cyting Staphylus, the professed enemy of Luther, by whose testimony Luther is noted of Heresie, and yet he thinketh that Bellarmine hath done honestly. Here is good Reckoning.
But now M. Parsons in this place, sees Bellarmine citing Staphylus, the professed enemy of Luther, by whose testimony Luther is noted of Heresy, and yet he Thinketh that Bellarmine hath done honestly. Here is good Reckoning.
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45. Bellarmine challengeth Calnine for as he calleth it) an auncient Heresie alleaged by Theodoret, affirming that there is onely a figure of Christs body in the Eucharist.
45. Bellarmine Challengeth Calnine for as he calls it) an ancient Heresy alleged by Theodoret, affirming that there is only a figure of Christ body in the Eucharist.
and also that The foresaid doctrine of Caluine doth teach, that in the Eucharist there is to be exhibited vnto the faithful, not onely a figure of Christs body,
and also that The foresaid Doctrine of Calvin does teach, that in the Eucharist there is to be exhibited unto the faithful, not only a figure of Christ body,
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THE obiected contradiction in this place is, that Bellarmine confesseth Caluine to hold, that together with the Sacrament of the Eucharist, God doth exhibite vnto the faithfull not onely a signe of Christs body,
THE objected contradiction in this place is, that Bellarmine Confesses Calvin to hold, that together with the Sacrament of the Eucharist, God does exhibit unto the faithful not only a Signen of Christ body,
but also the body and blood it selfe, yea and as Valentia addeth further, that aCluine confesseth that our soules doe communicate with the body of Christ substantially.
but also the body and blood it self, yea and as Valentia adds further, that aCluine Confesses that our Souls do communicate with the body of christ substantially.
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but denyeth it againe in others, and thereupon doe both Bellarmine and Valentia conuince him of most eiudent and palpable contradictions in this matter.
but denyeth it again in Others, and thereupon do both Bellarmine and Valentia convince him of most eiudent and palpable contradictions in this matter.
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Maior. No man admitting more then a Signe of Christs body to be receiued in the Eucharist, doth concurre with the auncient Heretickes, mentioned by Theodoret, who defended receiuing only of the signe of Christs body:
Maior. No man admitting more then a Signen of Christ body to be received in the Eucharist, does concur with the ancient Heretics, mentioned by Theodoret, who defended receiving only of the Signen of Christ body:
Neyther shall Master Parsons with all the arte hee hath, auoyde this, vntill he can shew some place in Caluine, wherein it is said, that We receiue onely a signe of Christs body in the Eucharist, and not his bodie:
Neither shall Master Parsons with all the art he hath, avoid this, until he can show Some place in Calvin, wherein it is said, that We receive only a Signen of Christ body in the Eucharist, and not his body:
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48. A second contradiction is as plaine, wherein, as hee would charge Caluine with an Auncient Heresie mentioned by Theodoret, and yet saith, Ne glorientur Caluinistae suam sententiam esse valde antiquam, That is, Least the Caluinists might boast that their opiniō is very auncient (towit,
48. A second contradiction is as plain, wherein, as he would charge Calvin with an Ancient Heresy mentioned by Theodoret, and yet Says, Ne glorientur Caluinistae suam sententiam esse Valde antiquam, That is, lest the Calvinists might boast that their opinion is very ancient (towit,
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for that heere be so many foule faults and wilfull corruptions, as truely if after so many admonishments I should vse the same, it would make me ashamed to looke any man in the face. The Reuiew.
for that Here be so many foul Faults and wilful corruptions, as truly if After so many admonishments I should use the same, it would make me ashamed to look any man in the face. The Reuiew.
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HE mentioneth Caluine to be challenged by Bellarmine for his beresie, leauing out Zuinglius, who is equally challenged with Caluine. This is one tricke. The Reuiew.
HE mentioneth Calvin to be challenged by Bellarmine for his beresie, leaving out Zwingli, who is equally challenged with Calvin. This is one trick. The Reuiew.
50. When Card. Bellarmine, in slaundering two parties, did contradict himselfe in his Accusation of one, was it not sufficient to proue, that he had wilfully transgressed his conscience from the apparant contradiction in that one,
50. When Card. Bellarmine, in slandering two parties, did contradict himself in his Accusation of one, was it not sufficient to prove, that he had wilfully transgressed his conscience from the apparent contradiction in that one,
except it were prooued that he did contrary himselfe in his accusing of them both? Would any Sober braine note this for a Tricke of fraude? Neuerthelesse seeing that the doctrine of Caluine and Zuinglius were (according to Bellarmine his opinion) in this point both one, will M. Parsons denie that in Caluine, Zuinglius is absolued? Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
except it were proved that he did contrary himself in his accusing of them both? Would any Sobrium brain note this for a Trick of fraud? Nevertheless seeing that the Doctrine of Calvin and Zwingli were (according to Bellarmine his opinion) in this point both one, will M. Parsons deny that in Calvin, Zwingli is absolved? Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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THen he omitteth wholly the mention of the seuenth generall Councell, which so long agoe confuted the same heresie. And this is another tricke. The Reuiew.
THen he omitteth wholly the mention of the Seventh general Council, which so long ago confuted the same heresy. And this is Another trick. The Reuiew.
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FVrthermore he concealeth in like manner the name and authority of olde S. Ignatius, who in his time (which was immediately after the Apostles) held the denying of the Reall presence to bee an heresie:
Furthermore he concealeth in like manner the name and Authority of old S. Ignatius, who in his time (which was immediately After the Apostles) held the denying of the Real presence to be an heresy:
And yet hath M. Parsons the power to face out the matter, as though the omission of the name of Ignatius were a fraudulent Tricke. Know furthermore that the Heretickes spoken of, held that Christ had not a naturall, but a phantasticall bodie;
And yet hath M. Parsons the power to face out the matter, as though the omission of the name of Ignatius were a fraudulent Trick. Know furthermore that the Heretics spoken of, held that christ had not a natural, but a fantastical body;
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WHereas Card. Bellarmine saith, Quae sententia, &c. Which sentence is cyted by Theodoret in his Dialogue out of the Epistle of Ignatius ad Smyrnenses where now it is not to bee found, meaning that it is not found in the Epistle of Jgnatius, M. Morton saith that it is not found in Theodoret; and vpon this falsity of his owne, will needes frame a contradiction in Bellarmine. The Reueiwe.
WHereas Card. Bellarmine Says, Quae sententia, etc. Which sentence is cited by Theodoret in his Dialogue out of the Epistle of Ignatius ad Smyrnenses where now it is not to be found, meaning that it is not found in the Epistle of Ignatius, M. Mortonum Says that it is not found in Theodoret; and upon this falsity of his own, will needs frame a contradiction in Bellarmine. The Reueiwe.
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53. From these wordes [ Where now it is not to be fiund in Theodoret ] I did not draw any note of contradiction against Bellarmine, this is Mr. Parsons his wilfull vntruth, as the Reader will iudge.
53. From these words [ Where now it is not to be fiund in Theodoret ] I did not draw any note of contradiction against Bellarmine, this is Mr. Parsons his wilful untruth, as the Reader will judge.
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But yet say, I pray you, (Mr. Parsons ) if I had so censured Bellarmine, whether had it beene a greater fault in him, to haue abused the Dialogue of Theodoret, or Epistle of Ignatius?
But yet say, I pray you, (Mr. Parsons) if I had so censured Bellarmine, whither had it been a greater fault in him, to have abused the Dialogue of Theodoret, or Epistle of Ignatius?
because Ignatius was S. Iohns Scholler, and therefore farre more auncient and worthy then Theodoret. But if I say that it had beene a greater offence to corrupt Ignatius, then will T. M. reply, that I shew my selfe malitious in condemning him of wilfull falshood, for charging Bellarmine with a lesse offence, (that is, the corrupting of Theodoret ) when as he might rather haue challenged Bellarmine for a greater fault,
Because Ignatius was S. Iohns Scholar, and Therefore Far more ancient and worthy then Theodoret But if I say that it had been a greater offence to corrupt Ignatius, then will T. M. reply, that I show my self malicious in condemning him of wilful falsehood, for charging Bellarmine with a less offence, (that is, the corrupting of Theodoret) when as he might rather have challenged Bellarmine for a greater fault,
BEfore I enter into this other Examen, there occurreth vnto mee a consideration worthy to be pondered by the Reader, which is, that all these sixe obiections made against Card. Bellarmine for imputing olde heresies vnto Protestants, are taken out of his fourth book of the notes of the Church, cap. 9. where he chargeth the Protestants of his time with twenty seueral condemned olde heresies,
BEfore I enter into this other Examen, there occurreth unto me a consideration worthy to be pondered by the Reader, which is, that all these sixe objections made against Card. Bellarmine for imputing old heresies unto Protestants, Are taken out of his fourth book of the notes of the Church, cap. 9. where he charges the Protestants of his time with twenty several condemned old heresies,
and vnderhand by his filence graunteth that they are held by Protestants. Which how markable a point it is, I leaue to the Reader to iudge. The Reuiew.
and underhand by his filence granteth that they Are held by Protestants. Which how markable a point it is, I leave to the Reader to judge. The Reuiew.
55. Good Reader, know that Mr. Parsons hath required thy iudgement, in a matter which he holdeth worthy consideration, and ponderous. His consequence is this:
55. Good Reader, know that Mr. Parsons hath required thy judgement, in a matter which he holds worthy consideration, and ponderous. His consequence is this:
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M. Morton hath chosen onely sixe Obiections of Heresie (which he calleth Slaunders) of twenty: Ergo, by his silence he doth in effect acknowledge the rest fourteene Heresies, to haue beene iustly obiected against Protestants.
M. Mortonum hath chosen only sixe Objections of Heresy (which he calls Slanders) of twenty: Ergo, by his silence he does in Effect acknowledge the rest fourteene Heresies, to have been justly objected against Protestants.
yet doth M. Parsons exact, that I should haue either set down all the rest of the slaunderous accusations, which Bellarmine hath vsed against Protestants, or else to confesse them to bee no slanders.
yet does M. Parsons exact, that I should have either Set down all the rest of the slanderous accusations, which Bellarmine hath used against Protestants, or Else to confess them to be no slanders.
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For euen all those other Fourteene, and diuers moe heresies, obiected by Bellarmine, against the Protestants, haue beene by me particularly examined discussed,
For even all those other Fourteene, and diverse more heresies, objected by Bellarmine, against the Protestants, have been by me particularly examined discussed,
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but more fully and exactly in my lass Catholicke Appeale, the fift Booke whereof is spent in the confutation of these and otherslaunders, which our Romish Aduersaries haue falsly obiected against Caluine, and other Protestants.
but more Fully and exactly in my lass Catholic Appeal, the fift Book whereof is spent in the confutation of these and otherslaunders, which our Romish Adversaries have falsely objected against Calvin, and other Protestants.
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Thus we see that his Ponderous Consideration, being put into the ballance, is found to weigh no more then doth a vaine and fantasticall conceit. CHAP. IX.
Thus we see that his Ponderous Consideration, being put into the balance, is found to weigh no more then does a vain and fantastical conceit. CHAP. IX.
That which Cyprian warneth vs, to runne vnto the fountaine, that is vnto the Traditions of the Apostles, from thence to deriue a Conduict to our times, that is chiefly and doubtlesse to be performed.
That which Cyprian warneth us, to run unto the fountain, that is unto the Traditions of the Apostles, from thence to derive a Conduct to our times, that is chiefly and doubtless to be performed.
I graunt that S. Cyprian saith (as Saint Augustine also doth) that when any Tradition or Doctrine can bee clearely shewed out of Scripture, Optimum est, It is questionlesse the best way of all:
I grant that S. Cyprian Says (as Saint Augustine also does) that when any Tradition or Doctrine can be clearly showed out of Scripture, Optimum est, It is questionless the best Way of all:
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But when there is no Scripture for proofe of it, then (saith S Augustine ) Consuetudo illa, &c. that is, The custom which was opposed against Cyprian, must be beleeued to haue proceeded from the Apostles,
But when there is no Scripture for proof of it, then (Says S Augustine) Consuetudo illa, etc. that is, The custom which was opposed against Cyprian, must be believed to have proceeded from the Apostles,
2. What Saint Augustines iudgement was concerning the sufficiencie of Scripture, as it is defended by the Protestants, he hath often vnfolded, saying that Amongst all things which are contained plainly in Scripture, all those things may be found, which concerne faith and manners of life.
2. What Saint Augustine's judgement was Concerning the sufficiency of Scripture, as it is defended by the Protestants, he hath often unfolded, saying that among all things which Are contained plainly in Scripture, all those things may be found, which concern faith and manners of life.
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And euen of this question of not rebaptizing, he doth refute it out of Scriptures By (as he speaketh) certaine proofes, (and not by coniectures, as Bellarmine calleth them) before the definition of a Councell.
And even of this question of not rebaptizing, he does refute it out of Scriptures By (as he speaks) certain proofs, (and not by Conjectures, as Bellarmine calls them) before the definition of a Council.
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And heere also although Bellarmine be in part iustifiable, yet looke vnto the sentence of Cyprian, and you shall find his reasoning negatiuely from Scripture (which is condemned by Bellarmine ) to bee iustified by Saint Augustine, although it be there applied by him affirmatiuely. SECT. II. The second exception against Bellarmine. The charge concerning S. Peters Ordination.
And Here also although Bellarmine be in part justifiable, yet look unto the sentence of Cyprian, and you shall find his reasoning negatively from Scripture (which is condemned by Bellarmine) to be justified by Saint Augustine, although it be there applied by him affirmatively. SECT. II The second exception against Bellarmine. The charge Concerning S. Peter's Ordination.
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and that the other Apostles were ordeined Bishops by Saint Peter: and endeuoured to prooue this out of the testimonies of Anacletus, Clemens Alex. Eusebius, Cyprian, Leo, Augustine.
and that the other Apostles were ordained Bishops by Saint Peter: and endeavoured to prove this out of the testimonies of Anacletus, Clemens Alexander Eusebius, Cyprian, Leo, Augustine.
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As for other writings which are attributed vnto Clement, and Pope Anacletus, which are both many and great, they are ( saith their Cardinall Cusanus) Apocrypha, wherein they, who extoll the Romane Sea (which is worthy of allpraise) do aboue that which is conuenient or meete, either wholly or partly rely, We are now to Reckon, first for the matter it selfe,
As for other writings which Are attributed unto Clement, and Pope Anacletus, which Are both many and great, they Are (Says their Cardinal Cusanus) Apocrypha, wherein they, who extol the Roman Sea (which is worthy of allpraise) do above that which is convenient or meet, either wholly or partly rely, We Are now to Reckon, First for the matter it self,
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ALl this which Mr. Morton alle adgeth heere, if it were graunted, as it lieth, conteineth nothing but two different opinions, between learned men in a disputable question.
ALl this which Mr. Mortonum all adgeth Here, if it were granted, as it lies, Containeth nothing but two different opinions, between learned men in a disputable question.
4. If all this were graunted Mr. Parsons? Then I can tell you, you must either renounce the iudgement of Bellarmine, or else recant your owne Reckoning:
4. If all this were granted Mr. Parsons? Then I can tell you, you must either renounce the judgement of Bellarmine, or Else recant your own Reckoning:
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you haue graunted first that Bellarmine did prooue out of Turrecremata, that Christ did make onely Saint Peter Bishop, with authoritie to consecrate the rest:
you have granted First that Bellarmine did prove out of Turrecremata, that christ did make only Saint Peter Bishop, with Authority to consecrate the rest:
Secondly, that Victoria thinketh the contrary opinion to be more probable, and aunswereth the argument of Turrecremata, saying, that the Fathers cited for the same;
Secondly, that Victoria Thinketh the contrary opinion to be more probable, and Answers the argument of Turrecremata, saying, that the Father's cited for the same;
Lastly, that Cardinall Cusanus here cited, doth to the like effect, aunswere the same arguments. 5. In all these confessed points consisteth the maine matter of my former exception:
Lastly, that Cardinal Cusanus Here cited, does to the like Effect, answer the same Arguments. 5. In all these confessed points Consisteth the main matter of my former exception:
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Notwithstanding this euidence, Mr. Parsons saith, If it were graunted, &c. What tricke shall we call this? Yet thus much being graunted, marke Master Parsons, what will follow hereupon, viz. that the Church of Rome hath lost her supposed Motherhood:
Notwithstanding this evidence, Mr. Parsons Says, If it were granted, etc. What trick shall we call this? Yet thus much being granted, mark Master Parsons, what will follow hereupon, viz. that the Church of Rome hath lost her supposed Motherhood:
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For Bellarmine presuming that all auncients held the Church of Rome to bee the Mother-church, addeth in these words, Quod non videtur, &c. that is, Which seemeth not to be true (saith he) except in that sense, because Peter, who was the Bishop of Rome, had ordeined all other Apostles Bishops, either by himselfe, or by others.
For Bellarmine presuming that all ancients held the Church of Room to be the Mother-church, adds in these words, Quod non videtur, etc. that is, Which seems not to be true (Says he) except in that sense, Because Peter, who was the Bishop of Rome, had ordained all other Apostles Bishops, either by himself, or by Others.
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but that Peter ordained the rest of the Apostles Bishops, Mr. Parsons doth hold it to be a matter disputable: their Cusanus thinketh it to be improbable, their Victoria concludeth pro certo, that Certamly Peter did not ordaine them Bishops.
but that Peter ordained the rest of the Apostles Bishops, Mr. Parsons does hold it to be a matter disputable: their Cusanus Thinketh it to be improbable, their Victoria Concludeth Pro certo, that Certamly Peter did not ordain them Bishops.
The conclusion will follow of it owne accord, which is this, viz. It is therefore but Disputable, or Improbable, yea an Incredible doctrine to say, that the Church of Rome is the Mother-church.
The conclusion will follow of it own accord, which is this, viz. It is Therefore but Disputable, or Improbable, yea an Incredible Doctrine to say, that the Church of Rome is the Mother-church.
why he did translate [ Authores eius sent entiae, that is, The Authors of this opinion ] into The authoritie of this opinion? I say, what authoritie had he for these trickes,
why he did translate [ Authores eius sent entiae, that is, The Authors of this opinion ] into The Authority of this opinion? I say, what Authority had he for these tricks,
The matter being thus cleere, for their conuiction, M. Parsons (according to his old guise) diuerteth his Readers eye from the matter vnto the manner of deliuery, & first thus. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning. HE alleadgeth the sentence thus:
The matter being thus clear, for their conviction, M. Parsons (according to his old guise) diverteth his Readers eye from the matter unto the manner of delivery, & First thus. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning. HE allegeth the sentence thus:
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7. Seeing that Peter onely is said to haue bene ordained Bishop, who can imagine any ordainer but Christ? And the question being onely of ordaining a Bishop, how can the word Holy orders betoken any other orders,
7. Seeing that Peter only is said to have be ordained Bishop, who can imagine any ordainer but christ? And the question being only of ordaining a Bishop, how can the word Holy order betoken any other order,
as to denie the orders of Bishops to bee Holy: which sheweth the exception, heere vsed by M. Parsons, to be but an arrant quarrell. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
as to deny the order of Bishops to be Holy: which shows the exception, Here used by M. Parsons, to be but an arrant quarrel. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
he abuseth him egregiously, for that Bellarmine doth alleadge this opinion, that Christ hauing all his Apostles Priests, did make onely S. Peter Bishop, with authoritie to consecrate the rest,
he abuseth him egregiously, for that Bellarmine does allege this opinion, that christ having all his Apostles Priests, did make only S. Peter Bishop, with Authority to consecrate the rest,
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So it is, Bellarmine did borrowe the reasons of Turrecremata: but did vse them and applie them for the proofe of his owne conclusion, which by other Romish Doctors hath beene condemned as false.
So it is, Bellarmine did borrow the Reasons of Turrecremata: but did use them and apply them for the proof of his own conclusion, which by other Romish Doctors hath been condemned as false.
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9. Therefore in this so senselesse an accusation, the bent of Mr. Parsons malice doth shew it selfe, who furthermore vrgeth the leauing out of the word [ fortasse ] in the testimonie of Cusanus, when as he could not be ignorant that Cusanus doth immediatly after prooue them to be Apocrypha and counterfeit Epistles, which are attributed vnto Anacletus and Clemens. For first, There is no mention (saith he) of them in any writings of antiquitie.
9. Therefore in this so senseless an accusation, the bent of Mr. Parsons malice does show it self, who furthermore urges the leaving out of the word [ Fortasse ] in the testimony of Cusanus, when as he could not be ignorant that Cusanus does immediately After prove them to be Apocrypha and counterfeit Epistles, which Are attributed unto Anacletus and Clemens. For First, There is no mention (Says he) of them in any writings of antiquity.
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Secondly, The Epistles themselues being but applied vnto the times of those Saints (namely of Anacletus and Clemens ) they doe bewray themselues: meaning that they are Apocrypha. Thirdly by their Contents;
Secondly, The Epistles themselves being but applied unto the times of those Saints (namely of Anacletus and Clemens) they do bewray themselves: meaning that they Are Apocrypha. Thirdly by their Contents;
among others this, that The writer of the Epistle of Clemens, feineth Clemens to haue written this Epistle vnto Iames Bishop of Ierusalem, after the death of Peter, whereas it is manifest (saith Cusanus) that Iames suffered Martyrdome eight yeeres before the death of Saint Peter.
among Others this, that The writer of the Epistle of Clemens, feigneth Clemens to have written this Epistle unto James Bishop of Ierusalem, After the death of Peter, whereas it is manifest (Says Cusanus) that James suffered Martyrdom eight Years before the death of Saint Peter.
and in another place finding Platina obiected in the question of Confession, answereth for disabling of the Authour, saying, that Platina had no publique authority to pen the liues of the Popes from publique records:
and in Another place finding Platina objected in the question of Confessi, Answers for disabling of the Author, saying, that Platina had no public Authority to pen the lives of the Popes from public records:
Eorum Annales dicunt. &c. Bellarm. aunswereth that neyther Platina did write those liues of the Popes by publique authority, nor out of publique Records:
Their Annals dicunt. etc. Bellarmine Answers that neither Platina did write those lives of the Popes by public Authority, nor out of public Records:
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11. As though the denying that Platina had written them by publique authority, did not effectually enough denie them to be Annales nostri, that is, such Annales, or Histories, whereby you will be tryed.
11. As though the denying that Platina had written them by public Authority, did not effectually enough deny them to be Annals Our, that is, such Annals, or Histories, whereby you will be tried.
ANd albeit Platina saith in the Preface of his History vnto the Pope Sixtus the fourth, who liued somewhat aboue 100. yeares past, that he had commaunded him to write the Popes liues,
ANd albeit Platina Says in the Preface of his History unto the Pope Sixtus the fourth, who lived somewhat above 100. Years past, that he had commanded him to write the Popes lives,
as all things therein contained must be held for exact truth and we bound to accept of the same, which is all, in effect, that Card. Bellarmine auoucheth. The Reueiwe.
as all things therein contained must be held for exact truth and we bound to accept of the same, which is all, in Effect, that Card. Bellarmine avoucheth. The Reueiwe.
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May not Rome call any writing of men Nostra, that is, Ours, except they be Exactly true; and which the Reader is bound so to accept of? By this aunswere you are compellable to graunt that you haue no Histories at all in your Church, which you may iustly acknowledge:
May not Room call any writing of men Nostra, that is, Ours, except they be Exactly true; and which the Reader is bound so to accept of? By this answer you Are compellable to grant that you have no Histories At all in your Church, which you may justly acknowledge:
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for how shall you be able to call any Authours, eyther Annales nostri, or Pontifices nostri, or, Patres nostri, or, Iesuitae nostri, if in all things conteyned in their bookes, there must be necessarily required an Exact Truth? But M. Parsons was forced to answere somewhat.
for how shall you be able to call any Authors, either Annals Our, or Pontifices Our, or, Patres Our, or, Jesuit Our, if in all things contained in their books, there must be necessarily required an Exact Truth? But M. Parsons was forced to answer somewhat.
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THe censure of Bellarmine is true and prudent, concurring with the iudgement of diuers learned men of our time, especially of Onuphrius Panuinus, who writing obseruations vpon the history of Platina, doth offentimes note the said History concerning Popes liues, of diuers defects, both in Chronologie of times,
THe censure of Bellarmine is true and prudent, concurring with the judgement of diverse learned men of our time, especially of Onuphrius Panuinus, who writing observations upon the history of Platina, does oftentimes note the said History Concerning Popes lives, of diverse defects, both in Chronology of times,
And I doubt not but whosoeuer shall haue read the worke of Onuphrius and of Balbus here cyted in commendation of Platina, will greatly preferre the iudgement of the first before the latter in matters of History. The Reueiwe.
And I doubt not but whosoever shall have read the work of Onuphrius and of Balbus Here cited in commendation of Platina, will greatly prefer the judgement of the First before the latter in matters of History. The Reueiwe.
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14. Must then Onuphrius be suffered to crowde out Platina, who is but a Commentator vpon Platina? Or shal Onuphrius be the Historian, whom you will acknowledge for authentical,
14. Must then Onuphrius be suffered to crowd out Platina, who is but a Commentator upon Platina? Or shall Onuphrius be the Historian, whom you will acknowledge for authentical,
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and whom you presume to be so Exact, that he may not be reiected? How is it then that your Baronius and Onuphrius can no better agree? If Balbus his commendations of Platina beare no credite with you, I will trie how Barklaius may preuaile:
and whom you presume to be so Exact, that he may not be rejected? How is it then that your Baronius and Onuphrius can no better agree? If Balbus his commendations of Platina bear no credit with you, I will try how Barklaius may prevail:
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Here Barcklauis preferreth Platina before others, because of the Popes authority, M. Parsons notwithstanding the Popes authority preferreth Onuphrius: not that M. Parsons is lesse Papal,
Here Barcklauis preferreth Platina before Others, Because of the Popes Authority, M. Parsons notwithstanding the Popes Authority preferreth Onuphrius: not that M. Parsons is less Papal,
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but because he is more partial whensoeuer any witnesse doth contradict his conceit. CHAP. X. Concerning Card. Bellarmine his false Allegations, for proofe of Purgatory, in discussing whereof, the doctrine of Purgatory is discouered.
but Because he is more partial whensoever any witness does contradict his conceit. CHAP. X. Concerning Card. Bellarmine his false Allegations, for proof of Purgatory, in discussing whereof, the Doctrine of Purgatory is discovered.
1. WHereas hee professeth to bring in Apertissima loca, that is, Most euident places out of the Fathers, for proofe of Purgatory-fire already described, hee produceth such testimonies, which by his owne consequence do not concerne the questioned Purgatorie:
1. WHereas he Professes to bring in Apertissima loca, that is, Most evident places out of the Father's, for proof of Purgatory fire already described, he Produceth such testimonies, which by his own consequence do not concern the questioned Purgatory:
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whether Iohn or Peter, onely Christ, who is iustice it selfe, shall auoyde them. Of the which place of Ambrose, Bellarmine saith, Ambrose vnderstandeth not the fire of Purgatory,
whither John or Peter, only christ, who is Justice it self, shall avoid them. Of the which place of Ambrose, Bellarmine Says, Ambrose understandeth not the fire of Purgatory,
BEllarmine in the first place of Ambrose, saying, See Ambrose vpon ps. 118. Serm. 20. signifieth, that that Father hath something more for prouing Purgatory:
BEllarmine in the First place of Ambrose, saying, See Ambrose upon psalm. 118. Sermon 20. signifies, that that Father hath something more for proving Purgatory:
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and in his second booke cyting the same Sermon of Ambrose vpon the place of Genesis, [ God hath placed a sword of fire, &c. ] saith that it is rather to be vnderstood of the proouing fire of Gods iudgements.
and in his second book citing the same Sermon of Ambrose upon the place of Genesis, [ God hath placed a sword of fire, etc. ] Says that it is rather to be understood of the proving fire of God's Judgments.
but that of Gods seuere iudgement, which Bellarmine hath said is not the fire of Purgatoric, you thereby confirme that which I haue said, that Bellarmine cyted Ambrose in a sense different from his meaning.
but that of God's severe judgement, which Bellarmine hath said is not the fire of Purgatoric, you thereby confirm that which I have said, that Bellarmine cited Ambrose in a sense different from his meaning.
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3. BEllarmine cyted Hilary in Psal, 118. vppon these wordes [ Concupiuit anima, &c. ] We ( saith Hilary) must vndergo that indefatigable fire, in the which we must passe thorough the grieuous punishments of purging of soules, This he Reckoned among his most plaine places, for proofe of Purgatory-fire:
3. BEllarmine cited Hilary in Psalm, 118. upon these words [ Concupiuit anima, etc. ] We (Says Hilary) must undergo that indefatigable fire, in the which we must pass through the grievous punishments of purging of Souls, This he Reckoned among his most plain places, for proof of Purgatory fire:
and notwithstanding else-where alleaging the same text, saith of the Comment of Hilary, that Hilary doth therein insinuate, that the blessed Virgine ought to haue passed thorow the same fire, adding a little after, that He ( that is Hilary) therein by Purgatory, vnderstood not the fire of Purgatory. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
and notwithstanding elsewhere alleging the same text, Says of the Comment of Hilary, that Hilary does therein insinuate, that the blessed Virgae ought to have passed thorough the same fire, adding a little After, that He (that is Hilary) therein by Purgatory, understood not the fire of Purgatory. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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otherwise if you shal labor to prooue that Bellarmine meant, that both these fires were vnderstood in that one place, where he himselfe confesseth that the fire of Purgatory is not vnderstood, this would be as haplesse a worke,
otherwise if you shall labour to prove that Bellarmine meant, that both these fires were understood in that one place, where he himself Confesses that the fire of Purgatory is not understood, this would be as hapless a work,
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5. YEt againe, among his manifest places for Purgatory, he alleageth Origen, Basil, Lactantius, Hierome, Ambrose: all which are acknowledged expresly by Sixtus Senensis, from the euidence of the contexts, to haue spoken onely of the fire of the day of iudgement,
5. YEt again, among his manifest places for Purgatory, he allegeth Origen, Basil, Lactantius, Jerome, Ambrose: all which Are acknowledged expressly by Sixtus Senensis, from the evidence of the contexts, to have spoken only of the fire of the day of judgement,
They are all acknowledged (saith M. Morton) expresly by Sixtus Senensis from the euidence of their contexts to haue spoken onely of the fire of the day of iudgement, and consequently not of Purgatory.
They Are all acknowledged (Says M. Mortonum) expressly by Sixtus Senensis from the evidence of their contexts to have spoken only of the fire of the day of judgement, and consequently not of Purgatory.
and by coniecture, saying of Origen, that his opinion (that both good and bad should be purged by fire) is confuted by S. Augustine in his bookes de Ciust. Dei, but yet for excusing the same from errour he saith;
and by conjecture, saying of Origen, that his opinion (that both good and bad should be purged by fire) is confuted by S. Augustine in his books the Ciust. Dei, but yet for excusing the same from error he Says;
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so as he did not expresly acknowledge from the euidence of the contexts, (as M Mortons shifting and lying words are) that these authorities must needes be vnderstood of the last combustion of the world,
so as he did not expressly acknowledge from the evidence of the contexts, (as M Mortons shifting and lying words Are) that these authorities must needs be understood of the last combustion of the world,
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and consequently (according vnto Bellarmines doctrine) not of the fire of Purgatory. This you call Shifting, Lying, and helpint the Die; but the perfect Cogger will presently appeare.
and consequently (according unto Bellarmines Doctrine) not of the fire of Purgatory. This you call Shifting, Lying, and helpint the Die; but the perfect Cogger will presently appear.
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For first I alleaged diuers testimonies, which might haue licensed me in a generalitie to say by the euidence of contexts, seeing that M. Parsons could take exception but onely to one.
For First I alleged diverse testimonies, which might have licensed me in a generality to say by the evidence of contexts, seeing that M. Parsons could take exception but only to one.
Where Senensis expresly affirmeth, what his iudgment is concerning the sentence of Origen. To confure this M. Parsons setcheth a skip out of Senensis, Annot. 171. backeward vnto his Annot. 170. where Senesis saith of Origen, Vide an. &c. O confuter!
Where Senensis expressly Affirmeth, what his judgement is Concerning the sentence of Origen. To confure this M. Parsons setcheth a skip out of Senensis, Annot 171. backward unto his Annot 170. where Senesis Says of Origen, Vide nias. etc. Oh confuter!
So that this could not bee the Romish Purgatory-fire, for neither Senensis, nor any Romanist durst euer say, that Saints and Martyrs did euer take their voyage vnto heauen by hell.
So that this could not be the Romish Purgatory fire, for neither Senensis, nor any Romanist durst ever say, that Saints and Martyrs did ever take their voyage unto heaven by hell.
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Lastly, hee professeth to confirme the Doctrine of Purgatory out of most of the Greeke and Latine Fathers: And an other Iesuit saith more largely Of all the Greeke Fathers, which is an Assertion as false as peremptorie,
Lastly, he Professes to confirm the Doctrine of Purgatory out of most of the Greek and Latin Father's: And an other Iesuit Says more largely Of all the Greek Father's, which is an Assertion as false as peremptory,
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as that the most Ancient writers, next after the Apostles time, when many things were not discussed so exactly (as in processe of time they were) did not so clearely handle that matter:
as that the most Ancient writers, next After the Apostles time, when many things were not discussed so exactly (as in process of time they were) did not so clearly handle that matter:
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and occupied in other weightie affaires against Heretickes and Persecutors, they had not time, nor occasion to discusse many things, which the holy Ghost did afterward make more cleare to the Church by successe of time:
and occupied in other weighty affairs against Heretics and Persecutors, they had not time, nor occasion to discuss many things, which the holy Ghost did afterwards make more clear to the Church by success of time:
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Againe, M. Parsons will haue vs to vnderstand Rosfensis so, as though he had onely meant that, The name, nature, and circumstances were not so well discussed or mentioned by ancient Grecians.
Again, M. Parsons will have us to understand Rosfensis so, as though he had only meant that, The name, nature, and Circumstances were not so well discussed or mentioned by ancient Greeks.
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But Roffensis speaking of Purgatorie it selfe, saith that, Aliquandiù incognitum fuit, — & serò cognitum vniuersae Ecclesiae, &c. This is the confession of their owne Bishop Roffensis: That is, Purgatorie was for a while vnknowen,
But Roffensis speaking of Purgatory it self, Says that, Aliquandiù incognitum fuit, — & serò cognitum Universae Ecclesiae, etc. This is the Confessi of their own Bishop Roffensis: That is, Purgatory was for a while unknown,
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With what assurance can the Romanists call the Doctrine Catholicke, that is, Vniuersall, which was not knowne vniuersally in the Primitiue Church of Christ? Yet hath Rome adopted this Article of Purgatorie, and suffered this Creeper to come into her newe Creede, vnder the title of a doctrine necessarie to saluation. But more of this hereafter. SECT. V. The next Charge.
With what assurance can the Romanists call the Doctrine Catholic, that is, Universal, which was not known universally in the Primitive Church of christ? Yet hath Rome adopted this Article of Purgatory, and suffered this Creeper to come into her new Creed, under the title of a Doctrine necessary to salvation. But more of this hereafter. SECT. V. The next Charge.
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11. IF any shall but obserue in this one Controuersie, the number of witnesses brought in for confirmation of this their new Article, in the name of Ancient Fathers, which are (by the confession of our Aduersaries) meerely counterfeit,
11. IF any shall but observe in this one Controversy, the number of Witnesses brought in for confirmation of this their new Article, in the name of Ancient Father's, which Are (by the Confessi of our Adversaries) merely counterfeit,
All which, as they are vrged for proofe of Purgatorie, so are they reiected by their owne men (I desire to be challenged for proofe hereof) as Forged, or Corrupted, or Apocrypha, &c. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
All which, as they Are urged for proof of Purgatory, so Are they rejected by their own men (I desire to be challenged for proof hereof) as Forged, or Corrupted, or Apocrypha, etc. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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For these are not so much as named by Bellarmine (except onely the two fitst in a word or two) much lesse are they brought in for principall Authors in the Catalogue of Ancient Fathers, whose Authorities hee setteth downe for proofe of Purgatorie.
For these Are not so much as nam by Bellarmine (except only the two Fittest in a word or two) much less Are they brought in for principal Authors in the Catalogue of Ancient Father's, whose Authorities he sets down for proof of Purgatory.
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13. But if this Answere of M. Parsons bee fraught with grosse vntrueths, what faith shall any man giue vnto him? First, I named not Bellarmine in that place,
13. But if this Answer of M. Parsons be fraught with gross untruths, what faith shall any man give unto him? First, I nam not Bellarmine in that place,
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And lastly, in saying that Bellarmine nameth but the two first of the foresaid Writers, viz. Clemens his Constitutions and Athanasius, is a notable falshood:
And lastly, in saying that Bellarmine names but the two First of the foresaid Writers, viz. Clemens his Constitutions and Athanasius, is a notable falsehood:
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for Bellarmine alleadgeth Eusebius Emissenus, Iosephus Bengorion, and S. Iames his Liturgie. So that I know not what M. Parsons meant by his denying of this,
for Bellarmine allegeth Eusebius Emissenus, Iosephus Bengorion, and S. James his Liturgy. So that I know not what M. Parsons meant by his denying of this,
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For albeit some of them be excepted against, or called in question by some Writers, whether they be the true workes of the Authors, whose names they beare, or not,
For albeit Some of them be excepted against, or called in question by Some Writers, whither they be the true works of the Authors, whose names they bear, or not,
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14. M. Parsons is so transported with passion, that hee hath forgotten the last clause, which I vsed concerning these Authors, to wit, that they are either forged, or corrupted, or Apocrypha;
14. M. Parsons is so transported with passion, that he hath forgotten the last clause, which I used Concerning these Authors, to wit, that they Are either forged, or corrupted, or Apocrypha;
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for proofe of the same Article, whereof (when I speake of Fathers) most of them; (when I speake of Canonicall Scriptures) all of them are found, by the iudgement of their owne Doctors, to be tortured, wrested,
for proof of the same Article, whereof (when I speak of Father's) most of them; (when I speak of Canonical Scriptures) all of them Are found, by the judgement of their own Doctors, to be tortured, wrested,
THis now, whether it be not such a wilfull and witting Lie, as before I described for a formall malicious Lie, such as the Writer did know to bee a Lie,
THis now, whither it be not such a wilful and witting Lie, as before I described for a formal malicious Lie, such as the Writer did know to be a Lie,
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For if our owne Catholicke Doctors doe finde this in their owne iudgement, how doe they beleeue Purgatorie to be true? Why doe they not change their opinion,
For if our own Catholic Doctors do find this in their own judgement, how do they believe Purgatory to be true? Why do they not change their opinion,
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and which hee calleth a Formall malicious Lie, is put vnto the triall in the next Chapter, where it will be auouched to be an obseruable, iust, and incontrollable trueth.
and which he calls a Formal malicious Lie, is put unto the trial in the next Chapter, where it will be avouched to be an observable, just, and incontrollable truth.
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The reason, which hee opposed, I shall now confute in this Section, and compell him to repent his loose tearmes, by an instance, which will manifestly discouer a Romish malladie.
The reason, which he opposed, I shall now confute in this Section, and compel him to Repent his lose terms, by an instance, which will manifestly discover a Romish malady.
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17. The Doctrine of Indulgences hath beene of late put into their Romane Creede in their Councell of Trent, by the Bull of Pope Paulus the fourth. This their Doctors will beleeue,
17. The Doctrine of Indulgences hath been of late put into their Roman Creed in their Council of Trent, by the Bull of Pope Paulus the fourth. This their Doctors will believe,
because the vse of them seemeth to haue beene but of late in the Church, for many things are knowne by posteritie, which the ancient writers were ignorant of.
Because the use of them seems to have been but of late in the Church, for many things Are known by posterity, which the ancient writers were ignorant of.
For the ancient Bishops of Rome vpon some set dayes, especially in Lent and Holydayes, did goe vnto diuers Churches of Rome, where a Sermon was made vnto the people there standing,
For the ancient Bishops of Room upon Some Set days, especially in Lent and Holidays, did go unto diverse Churches of Rome, where a Sermon was made unto the people there standing,
Besides, they tell vs, that the inuisible spirituall Treasurie of the Merits of Holy men, is the Foundation of Indulgences: Notwithstanding, Maironis and Durand, two of your principall Schoolemen euen of later times, Doubted of the truth of such a Treasurie.
Beside, they tell us, that the invisible spiritual Treasury of the Merits of Holy men, is the Foundation of Indulgences: Notwithstanding, Maironis and Durand, two of your principal Schoolmen even of later times, Doubted of the truth of such a Treasury.
And lastly, that some, whom they call Catholickes, iudged no otherwise of these kinde of Indulgences, then of Godly deceits. Heere we see more then a glimpse of that light, which we professe, acknowledged by your owne Doctors.
And lastly, that Some, whom they call Catholics, judged no otherwise of these kind of Indulgences, then of Godly Deceits. Here we see more then a glimpse of that Light, which we profess, acknowledged by your own Doctors.
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I must hereupon make bolde to demaund of Mr. Parsons, why their Doctors, hauing so great an apparance of the noueltie of this Article, did notwithstanding still yeelde vnto the practise of their Church? When he shall answere this,
I must hereupon make bold to demand of Mr. Parsons, why their Doctors, having so great an appearance of the novelty of this Article, did notwithstanding still yield unto the practice of their Church? When he shall answer this,
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BEllarmine hath alleaged ten seuerall testimonies out of the Scriptures of the old Testament (with the expositions of the auncient Fathers vpon them) which are confessed by Procestants to be Canonicall, excepting the Maccabees, and Toby which were notwithstanding Canonicall in S. Augustines time, by the third Councell of Carthage, in which himselfe was present.
BEllarmine hath alleged ten several testimonies out of the Scriptures of the old Testament (with the expositions of the ancient Father's upon them) which Are confessed by Procestants to be Canonical, excepting the Maccabees, and Toby which were notwithstanding Canonical in S. Augustine's time, by the third Council of Carthage, in which himself was present.
And out of the new Testament he alleageth fiue other places, with the expositions in like manner of the Fathers vpon them, that vnderstood them to meane of Purgatory.
And out of the new Testament he allegeth fiue other places, with the expositions in like manner of the Father's upon them, that understood them to mean of Purgatory.
And will our owne Doctors say that these fifteene places are all tortured and forced against their meaning? and all the Fathers expositions violated against their owne iudgement? If our Doctors will say so, they must be M. Mortons Doctors, and not ours. The Reuiewe.
And will our own Doctors say that these fifteene places Are all tortured and forced against their meaning? and all the Father's expositions violated against their own judgement? If our Doctors will say so, they must be M. Mortons Doctors, and not ours. The Reuiewe.
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19. It is a thing superfluous, Actum agere. This which I say of the principall places of Canonicall Scriptures, wherein your Doctors doe most insist, I haue proued also, from the meere literal Expositions of your owne Doctors to be inforced beyond compasse,
19. It is a thing superfluous, Acts agere. This which I say of the principal places of Canonical Scriptures, wherein your Doctors do most insist, I have proved also, from the mere literal Expositions of your own Doctors to be enforced beyond compass,
But I shall not need to insist vpon places of Scripture, the rather because I am not so greatly prouoked by M. Parsons heereunto, who hath reserued his maine violence for the tryall of Fathers.
But I shall not need to insist upon places of Scripture, the rather Because I am not so greatly provoked by M. Parsons hereunto, who hath reserved his main violence for the trial of Father's.
20. Yet notwithstanding, one confession of Bellarmine may not be so easily let passe, which hath not beene mentioned in my Appeale, to wit, Cùm nusquam in Scripturis fiat mentio ignis, vbi apertè de Purgatorio agitur, nihil dubium est, qum Cyprianus ad hunc locum respexerit.
20. Yet notwithstanding, one Confessi of Bellarmine may not be so Easily let pass, which hath not been mentioned in my Appeal, to wit, Cùm nusquam in Scriptures fiat Mentio ignis, vbi apertè de Purgatorio agitur, nihil Dubium est, qum Cyprian ad hunc locum respexerit.
Which is a sufficient confession, that there is not in any place of Scripture any mention of fire, wherein there is any plaine proofe of Purgatory, except in these fore-cyted wordes of 1. Cor. 3. And can he say that this onely place is plaine for Purgatory fire? By no meanes:
Which is a sufficient Confessi, that there is not in any place of Scripture any mention of fire, wherein there is any plain proof of Purgatory, except in these forecited words of 1. Cor. 3. And can he say that this only place is plain for Purgatory fire? By no means:
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How shall our aduersaries presume of any plain place of Scripture for proofe of Purgatory-fire, seeing that this their onely plaine place is thus obscured and perplexed with foure different Interpretations? CHAP. XI. The earnest challenge which M Parsons hath made, that I should disannull the allegations of the testimonies of those Fathers, whom Iodocus Coccius hath cyted for proofe of the Romish Purgatory. SECT. 1. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
How shall our Adversaries presume of any plain place of Scripture for proof of Purgatory fire, seeing that this their only plain place is thus obscured and perplexed with foure different Interpretations? CHAP. XI. The earnest challenge which M Parsons hath made, that I should disannul the allegations of the testimonies of those Father's, whom Iodocus Coccius hath cited for proof of the Romish Purgatory. SECT. 1. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
COccius produceth vpon the point of threescore Authours, within the compasse of the first sixe hundred yeares, that confirme the common faith of that Church in those dayes, to haue held Purgatory, and 〈 ◊ 〉 for the dead,
Coccius Produceth upon the point of threescore Authors, within the compass of the First sixe hundred Years, that confirm the Common faith of that Church in those days, to have held Purgatory, and 〈 ◊ 〉 for the dead,
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TO WHAT END DO YOU SAY THIS M. PARSONS? To the end that T. M may haue somewhat to do, I doe earnestly challenge him herein, requiring at his handes, that of the first 60. mentioned by Coccius within the first 600. yeares, he doe really and sincerely 〈 ◊ 〉 31. at least, which is the major part, to bee so tortured,
TO WHAT END DO YOU SAY THIS M. PARSONS? To the end that T. M may have somewhat to do, I do earnestly challenge him herein, requiring At his hands, that of the First 60. mentioned by Coccius within the First 600. Years, he do really and sincerely 〈 ◊ 〉 31. At least, which is the Major part, to be so tortured,
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2. There is none, I thinke, but will holde it a point of wisedome in M. Parsons, to set mee rather to combate with Coccius, then to suffer me to Encounter himselfe, by manifesting his owne singular falsifications;
2. There is none, I think, but will hold it a point of Wisdom in M. Parsons, to Set me rather to combat with Coccius, then to suffer me to Encounter himself, by manifesting his own singular falsifications;
In the meane time, I willingly yeelde vnto his present challenge, wishing that I had him in a good Obligation by oath, that he will as willingly accord vnto the euidence of those things, which shall be reuealed.
In the mean time, I willingly yield unto his present challenge, wishing that I had him in a good Obligation by oath, that he will as willingly accord unto the evidence of those things, which shall be revealed.
3. For my more plaine and expedite discharge of this Challenge, I shall request the Reader to passe along with me, in reuiewing some confessed Obseruations, which will make clearely for the conuiction of Coccius, whereunto the particular testimonies must haue a necessary relation; which may be thus distinguished:
3. For my more plain and expedite discharge of this Challenge, I shall request the Reader to pass along with me, in reviewing Some confessed Observations, which will make clearly for the conviction of Coccius, whereunto the particular testimonies must have a necessary Relation; which may be thus distinguished:
The first Obseruation is, that the Authors and testimonies which shall be confessed to bee eyther forged, or corrupted with heresies, or else Apocrypha, may not be thought to be of sufficient credite.
The First Observation is, that the Authors and testimonies which shall be confessed to be either forged, or corrupted with heresies, or Else Apocrypha, may not be Thought to be of sufficient credit.
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4. The second Obseruation may bee taken out of their Iesuite Suarez, where he saith, that They that thinke that the soules of men are not iudged in death,
4. The second Observation may be taken out of their Iesuite Suarez, where he Says, that They that think that the Souls of men Are not judged in death,
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nor that they receiue eyther paine, or reward, but are reserued in secret receptacles vnto the vniuer salliudgement, they doe consequently acknowledge, non purgarj, i. e.
nor that they receive either pain, or reward, but Are reserved in secret receptacles unto the vniuer salliudgement, they do consequently acknowledge, non purgarj, i. e.
but diuers Fathers (by our Aduersaries confessions) taught such kinde of Receptacles of soules of all the faithfull, as namely, Lactantius, so saith Suarez:
but diverse Father's (by our Adversaries confessions) taught such kind of Receptacles of Souls of all the faithful, as namely, Lactantius, so Says Suarez:
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after that he had excused some by name, he leaueth Irenaeus, Iustine Martyr, Tertullian, Clemens Romanus, Origen, Lactantius, Theodoretus, Theophylact, Oecumenius, Euthymius vnto the descretion of his Reader,
After that he had excused Some by name, he Leaveth Irnaeus, Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Clemens Romanus, Origen, Lactantius, Theodoretus, Theophylact, Oecumenius, Euthymius unto the discretion of his Reader,
thus farre to excuse them, if he cannot acquit them, because in their dayes the Church had not defined any thing, concerning that Article. Which is, by Suarez his consequence, to graunt that, in that auncient time, Romish Purgatory was no Catholicke doctrine of faith.
thus Far to excuse them, if he cannot acquit them, Because in their days the Church had not defined any thing, Concerning that Article. Which is, by Suarez his consequence, to grant that, in that ancient time, Romish Purgatory was no Catholic Doctrine of faith.
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which (as our Aduersaries accordingly confesse) doth not concerne the question of Purgatory fire, which they hold to be not onely an Intellectuall fire of trying and examining,
which (as our Adversaries accordingly confess) does not concern the question of Purgatory fire, which they hold to be not only an Intellectual fire of trying and examining,
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as well the godly Saint, as the lesse sanctified, must passe thorow the fire of conflagration: Or, Lastly, specifying the fire of Hell of the damned, which is eternall,
as well the godly Saint, as the less sanctified, must pass thorough the fire of conflagration: Or, Lastly, specifying the fire of Hell of the damned, which is Eternal,
as to mistake the fire of the Holy Ghost (which purgeth the soule by sanctification) in stead of the fire of vexation: or the fire of Tribulation (which is in this life) in stead of fire after death: or the fire of Gods iudgement (which is onely in the examination of workes ) in stead of the fire of torment: or the fire of conflagration (which is onely in the last day) in stead of fire presently after death:
as to mistake the fire of the Holy Ghost (which Purgeth the soul by sanctification) in stead of the fire of vexation: or the fire of Tribulation (which is in this life) in stead of fire After death: or the fire of God's judgement (which is only in the examination of works) in stead of the fire of torment: or the fire of conflagration (which is only in the last day) in stead of fire presently After death:
or the fire of the damned in Hell (which is eternall) in stead of the fire which is temporall: then, I suppose, Mast. Parsons will be ashamed of his choyce, in making Coccius his Champion in this cause of Purgatory. The fourth Obseruation, in remoouing our Aduersaries Obiection, taken from Prayers, Sacrifice, and Oblations for the dead.
or the fire of the damned in Hell (which is Eternal) in stead of the fire which is temporal: then, I suppose, Mast. Parsons will be ashamed of his choice, in making Coccius his Champion in this cause of Purgatory. The fourth Observation, in removing our Adversaries Objection, taken from Prayers, Sacrifice, and Oblations for the dead.
7. The generall and most popular Argument, wherwith our Aduersaries vse to vnderproppe the ruinous structure of their Purgatory, is this, that The Fathers (saith Bellarmine) prayed for the dead, Ergo, they beleeued Purgatory: and from this he saith, that Purgatory is euidently collected; wherein M. Parsons is peremptory, saying, that To pray for the soules departed doth necessarily suppose Purgatorie:
7. The general and most popular Argument, wherewith our Adversaries use to underprop the ruinous structure of their Purgatory, is this, that The Father's (Says Bellarmine) prayed for the dead, Ergo, they believed Purgatory: and from this he Says, that Purgatory is evidently collected; wherein M. Parsons is peremptory, saying, that To pray for the Souls departed does necessarily suppose Purgatory:
and this seemeth to be the scope of Occius in most of his allegations, wherein nothing will be found more frequent for the proofe of their Purgatory, then onely the offering prayers, Oblations, and Sacrifice for the dead.
and this seems to be the scope of Occius in most of his allegations, wherein nothing will be found more frequent for the proof of their Purgatory, then only the offering Prayers, Oblations, and Sacrifice for the dead.
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8. For consutation of our Aduersaries Consequence, it wil be sufficient to appeale vnto our Aduersaries confessions, who doe readily graunt that Prayers, Sacrifices, Commemorations and Oblations haue beene vsed for the dead, without all respect of their Purgatory torment:
8. For consultation of our Adversaries Consequence, it will be sufficient to appeal unto our Adversaries confessions, who do readily grant that Prayers, Sacrifices, Commemorations and Oblations have been used for the dead, without all respect of their Purgatory torment:
and not of Expiation. And yet not withstanding we read that some Ancients prayed for the damned ones (especially such as died in the profession of Christian faith) whether it were for their absolute deliuerance out of hell, which was the errour of Origen, or else,
and not of Expiation. And yet not withstanding we read that Some Ancients prayed for the damned ones (especially such as died in the profession of Christian faith) whither it were for their absolute deliverance out of hell, which was the error of Origen, or Else,
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but a wide and wilde consequence, and an abuse of such testimonies, because in case of bearing witnesse, both a condemned opinion and a condemned person are equally incompetent.
but a wide and wild consequence, and an abuse of such testimonies, Because in case of bearing witness, both a condemned opinion and a condemned person Are equally incompetent.
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9. The second state of soules departed is of the Saints in Blessednesse, who are not in Purgatory, and yet haue some Fathers offered both Sacrifice and Prayers for them:
9. The second state of Souls departed is of the Saints in Blessedness, who Are not in Purgatory, and yet have Some Father's offered both Sacrifice and Prayers for them:
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Bellarmine will haue vs to vnderstand that these kind of requests were Possibly for the glorifying of the bodies of the Saints (albeit the Prayer is said to be for his soule) in the day of Resurrection.
Bellarmine will have us to understand that these kind of requests were Possibly for the glorifying of the bodies of the Saints (albeit the Prayer is said to be for his soul) in the day of Resurrection.
as it appeareth out of Cyprian and Augustine, and as it is expressed in the Greeke Liturgie, saying that the vnbloody worship is offered for the Virgine Mary, and for the Apostles, and Martyrs.
as it appears out of Cyprian and Augustine, and as it is expressed in the Greek Liturgy, saying that the unbloody worship is offered for the Virgae Marry, and for the Apostles, and Martyrs.
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And all the good, which their Suarez will acknowledge to accrew vnto the blessed Saints by our Oblations and Sacrifices (which are, saith he, our giuing of thankes for them) is not any degree of essentiall glory,
And all the good, which their Suarez will acknowledge to accrue unto the blessed Saints by our Oblations and Sacrifices (which Are, Says he, our giving of thanks for them) is not any degree of essential glory,
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By this also Master Parsons his necessarie consequence ( concluding from offering of Prayers and Sacrifice for the dead, a Purgatorie torment of them) is found to bee a notable falshood,
By this also Master Parsons his necessary consequence (concluding from offering of Prayers and Sacrifice for the dead, a Purgatory torment of them) is found to be a notable falsehood,
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11. The third respect of soules, mentioned by the Fathers, is when the Soule entreth either into the Examination of Gods seuere iudgement, or else thorough the flame of the conflagration of fier in the last day, through which all Soules must passe with their bodies:
11. The third respect of Souls, mentioned by the Father's, is when the Soul entereth either into the Examination of God's severe judgement, or Else through the flame of the conflagration of fire in the last day, through which all Souls must pass with their bodies:
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In both which respects, wee heare some Fathers praying for the dead depàrted, albeit neither of these conditions doe imply the Romish Purgatorie, as Bellarmine hath confessed.
In both which respects, we hear Some Father's praying for the dead depàrted, albeit neither of these conditions do imply the Romish Purgatory, as Bellarmine hath confessed.
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12. If therefore Coccius shall bee found to cite, for defence of their imagined Purgatorie, Prayers made for the damned, in stead of Prayers for the Godly; or made for the Blessed, to prooue that men are Tormented; or Sacrifices and Prayers of Commemoration and Thankesgiuing, in steade of Prayers of Deprecation; or Supplications for the perfect consummation of happinesse, in the eternall rest of both body and soule, in stead of Prayers for redemption out of an hellish Prison,
12. If Therefore Coccius shall be found to Cite, for defence of their imagined Purgatory, Prayers made for the damned, in stead of Prayers for the Godly; or made for the Blessed, to prove that men Are Tormented; or Sacrifices and Prayers of Commemoration and Thanksgiving, in stead of Prayers of Deprecation; or Supplications for the perfect consummation of happiness, in the Eternal rest of both body and soul, in stead of Prayers for redemption out of an hellish Prison,
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And now I betake my selfe vnto the particular Examination of his. Allegations: First of Liturgies, and then of Fathers. SECT. 11. Coccius his Allegations of ancient Liturgies, for proofe of Romish Purgatorie, abused. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
And now I betake my self unto the particular Examination of his. Allegations: First of Liturgies, and then of Father's. SECT. 11. Coccius his Allegations of ancient Liturgies, for proof of Romish Purgatory, abused. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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COccius alleadgeth ten Liturgies, as that of Ierusalem, Rome, &c. All which were in vse in the Churches of the Christian Countries, aboue the space of a thousand yeeres agone, in all which there is Prayer for soules departed:
Coccius allegeth ten Liturgies, as that of Ierusalem, Rome, etc. All which were in use in the Churches of the Christian Countries, above the Molle of a thousand Years ago, in all which there is Prayer for Souls departed:
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13. This Consequence for Purgatorie we haue prooued to be so drousie, that it may seeme to neede a Purgatorie fier to purge it, which may be further confuted by the same Liturgies. But first seeing Cardinall Bellarmine, in answering vnto an obiection taken out of the Liturgie of Hierusalem, passing vnder the name of Saint Iames, (which Liturgie Coccius rangeth in the forefront of his battell) could say that All things which are contained in the Liturgie of Saint Iames, and others, are not taken from the example and precept of Christ,
13. This Consequence for Purgatory we have proved to be so drowsy, that it may seem to need a Purgatory fire to purge it, which may be further confuted by the same Liturgies. But First seeing Cardinal Bellarmine, in answering unto an objection taken out of the Liturgy of Jerusalem, passing under the name of Saint James, (which Liturgy Coccius rangeth in the forefront of his battle) could say that All things which Are contained in the Liturgy of Saint James, and Others, Are not taken from the Exampl and precept of christ,
if M. Parsons his Challenge would suffer me to vse that weapon, and not force me (as hee hath done) to insist vpon the Collections from the confessed principles of the Romanists.
if M. Parsons his Challenge would suffer me to use that weapon, and not force me (as he hath done) to insist upon the Collections from the confessed principles of the Romanists.
14. Notwithstanding, to admit for the present these Liturgies alleadged by Coccius, I will begin at the last, the Liturgie of the Armenians, because it may best explaine the rest. In it we reade thus:
14. Notwithstanding, to admit for the present these Liturgies alleged by Coccius, I will begin At the last, the Liturgy of the Armenians, Because it may best explain the rest. In it we read thus:
Giue eternall peace, O Lord, vnto all that before vs haue departed in the Faith of Christ, the Holy Fathers, Patriarkes, Apostles, Prophets, Martyrs, &c. Pray yee vnto the Lord for the Soules that rest in peace.
Give Eternal peace, Oh Lord, unto all that before us have departed in the Faith of christ, the Holy Father's, Patriarchs, Apostles, prophets, Martyrs, etc. prey ye unto the Lord for the Souls that rest in peace.
Be mindfull, O Lord, of thy seruants, who haue sinned, and pardon them, for there is none but they haue sinned, excepting thee, O Lord, who canst giue rest to them that sleepe.
Be mindful, Oh Lord, of thy Servants, who have sinned, and pardon them, for there is none but they have sinned, excepting thee, Oh Lord, who Canst give rest to them that sleep.
as being doubtfull, saith their Sixtus Senensis, adding from himselfe, that It is not possible that Clemens should haue written this Epistle vnto S. Iames, &c. And Bellarmine noting the same errour in the fift Epistle of this Clemens, calleth the Authour fictitius Clemens, that is, A forged Clemens. Where was the braines of M. Parsons, when he set me a worke to prooue some of these witnesses to be,
as being doubtful, Says their Sixtus Senensis, adding from himself, that It is not possible that Clemens should have written this Epistle unto S. James, etc. And Bellarmine noting the same error in the fift Epistle of this Clemens, calls the Author fictitius Clemens, that is, A forged Clemens. Where was the brains of M. Parsons, when he Set me a work to prove Some of these Witnesses to be,
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17. The second witnesse is Clemens his Constitut. lib. 8. cap. 41. Oremus, &c. who may passe for an Author of the same Knighthood, for although their Iesuite Turrian, laboured to free these Bookes from exception:
17. The second witness is Clemens his Constitut lib. 8. cap. 41. Oremus, etc. who may pass for an Author of the same Knighthood, for although their Iesuite Turrian, laboured to free these Books from exception:
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Yet doth the Iesuite Posseuine, call his Reasons rather Coniectures then Arguments: And the Sixt Councell noted these eight Bookes to haue beene corrupted by Heretickes, as their owne Bishop testifieth:
Yet does the Iesuite Possess, call his Reasons rather Conjectures then Arguments: And the Sixt Council noted these eight Books to have been corrupted by Heretics, as their own Bishop Testifieth:
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cap. 7. part. 2. Posteà, &c. Which Bookes Cardinall Caietane, and many others (saith Senensis) did make doubt of, whether they were the Bookes of Dionysius Areopagita. Cardin. Caiet.
cap. 7. part. 2. Posteà, etc. Which Books Cardinal Cajetan, and many Others (Says Senensis) did make doubt of, whither they were the Books of Dionysius Areopagite. Cardin. Caiet.
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in Act. 17. Neither durst S. Gregorie (saith Caietane himselfe) affirme these to be the same Dionysius his Bookes; Wherein there was one point of Doctrine, Which S. Gregorie would not allow (as witnesseth their Iesuite Ribera ) lest that he might seeme to contradict the sacred Scriptures.
in Act. 17. Neither durst S. Gregory (Says Cajetan himself) affirm these to be the same Dionysius his Books; Wherein there was one point of Doctrine, Which S. Gregory would not allow (as Witnesseth their Iesuite Ribera) lest that he might seem to contradict the sacred Scriptures.
Therefore may we dismisse him as a NONLATINALPHABET Although, if we shall allowe him for a legitimate Author, we shal not loose, but gaine by the Reckoning:
Therefore may we dismiss him as a Although, if we shall allow him for a legitimate Author, we shall not lose, but gain by the Reckoning:
for Dionysius sheweth that such Prayers (although made for the remission of the sinnes of the dead) were rather protestations, that their sinnes were now forgiuen, then Supplications for their forgiuenesse:
for Dionysius shows that such Prayers (although made for the remission of the Sins of the dead) were rather protestations, that their Sins were now forgiven, then Supplications for their forgiveness:
albeit their owne ancient Pope Gelasius, hath taken sufficient exception against him, Who calling these Bookes Apocryphall (saith Bellarmine ) which were set foorth either by Hereticall Authors,
albeit their own ancient Pope Gelasius, hath taken sufficient exception against him, Who calling these Books Apocryphal (Says Bellarmine) which were Set forth either by Heretical Authors,
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yet His workes (saith Senensis) were corrupted with innumerable heresies, by the fraude of auncient Heretickes, who sought to broach their impious Doctrines, vnder the fauour and grace of the name of Origen:
yet His works (Says Senensis) were corrupted with innumerable heresies, by the fraud of ancient Heretics, who sought to broach their impious Doctrines, under the favour and grace of the name of Origen:
which writings, if in any thing they seeme to loose credit, then especially where he intreateth of the State of Soules departed: in which respect, Origen was (saith Driedo) reprehended of ancient Fathers; And in the same regard is hee reiected by Bellarmine, euen for holding that, All (except Christ) whether good or euill, must bee purged;
which writings, if in any thing they seem to lose credit, then especially where he intreateth of the State of Souls departed: in which respect, Origen was (Says Driedo) reprehended of ancient Father's; And in the same regard is he rejected by Bellarmine, even for holding that, All (except christ) whither good or evil, must be purged;
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The second, Hom. 25. in Num. Thou seest that euery one that passeth out of this life, needeth a purification ( meaning by fire ) for I dare say that none can bee cleane, as the Scripture speaketh.
The second, Hom. 25. in Num. Thou See that every one that passes out of this life, needs a purification (meaning by fire) for I Dare say that none can be clean, as the Scripture speaks.
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as Wood, Hay, Stubble: &c. I answere, that the Answere, which their owne Senensis giueth vnto other places of Origen, may satisfie these which are now obiected (for the Tenure of all is alike ) vide Origen in Ps. 36. All men (Christ onely excepted) must passe thorow the fire of conflagration.
as Wood, Hay, Stubble: etc. I answer, that the Answer, which their own Senensis gives unto other places of Origen, may satisfy these which Are now objected (for the Tenure of all is alike) vide Origen in Ps. 36. All men (christ only excepted) must pass thorough the fire of conflagration.
And yet againe, in Hier hom. 31. All that haue sinned after Baptisme must be purged by the fire of conflagration Wherein ( saith Suarez) Origen seemeth to allude vnto his owne errour, &c. And Bellarmine lighting vppon these wordes of Origen in Luc. 14. After the resurrection euery soule must suffer a purging fire, saith, that These words of Origen will not admit any commodious exposition.
And yet again, in Higher hom. 31. All that have sinned After Baptism must be purged by the fire of conflagration Wherein (Says Suarez) Origen seems to allude unto his own error, etc. And Bellarmine lighting upon these words of Origen in Luke 14. After the resurrection every soul must suffer a purging fire, Says, that These words of Origen will not admit any commodious exposition.
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21. Eusebius Alexandrinus marcheth next after Origen whom Photius Patriarch of Constantinople, and their owne Authours Trithemius, Posseuinus, and others haue left out of their Catalogues.
21. Eusebius Alexandrian marches next After Origen whom Photius Patriarch of Constantinople, and their own Authors Trithemius, Possevin, and Others have left out of their Catalogues.
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But that we may feigne a dumbe man to speake, what will he say for their Purgatory fire? He talketh of a song of a generall Requies pro defunctis, namely, that which hath beene giuen to blessed Saints; but these come not into that fire as hath beene confessed.
But that we may feign a dumb man to speak, what will he say for their Purgatory fire? He talketh of a song of a general Requies Pro defunctis, namely, that which hath been given to blessed Saints; but these come not into that fire as hath been confessed.
Who will not reuerence the name of so famous a Councell? But in what Canon shall wee see any mention of the fire of Purgatory? In Can. 65. But what language? For it is not in the Greeke, or Latine Councels:
Who will not Reverence the name of so famous a Council? But in what Canon shall we see any mention of the fire of Purgatory? In Can. 65. But what language? For it is not in the Greek, or Latin Counsels:
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In the Arabicke, saith Coccius. But when came these Arabicke Canons into the publicke light? Not (for ought that I can finde) vntill 1500. years after Christ, which afterwards their Iesuit Turrian published to the world:
In the Arabic, Says Coccius. But when Come these Arabic Canonas into the public Light? Not (for ought that I can find) until 1500. Years After christ, which afterwards their Iesuit Turrian published to the world:
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But what credite are they of? Because our Elders (saith Baronius ) seeme to haue beene ignorant of these Canons, at what time the authority of them had beene most necessary,
But what credit Are they of? Because our Elders (Says Baronius) seem to have been ignorant of these Canonas, At what time the Authority of them had been most necessary,
as namely when the Controuersie of Affrica was on foot, (meaning that solemne reiecting of Appeals vnto Rome) I leaue these to be discussed rather by some others.
as namely when the Controversy of Africa was on foot, (meaning that solemn rejecting of Appeals unto Rome) I leave these to be discussed rather by Some Others.
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And their Bishop Tarraconensis, speaking to the same point, saith, that the Iesuite Turrian could not perswade him, that these are the true Canons of the Councell of Nice.
And their Bishop Tarraconensis, speaking to the same point, Says, that the Iesuite Turrian could not persuade him, that these Are the true Canonas of the Council of Nicaenae.
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We see the zeale that Coccius hath for this Article, who leauing the ordinary Canons of Nice, runneth into Arabia to seeke for some sparke to kindle a Purgatory fire: And yet,
We see the zeal that Coccius hath for this Article, who leaving the ordinary Canonas of Nicaenae, Runneth into Arabia to seek for Some spark to kindle a Purgatory fire: And yet,
24. Eusebius Caesariensis, vitae Constant. l. 4. cap. 60. & cap. 71. [ Prayers are made for the soule of the Emperor Constantine, ] is the eight witnesse:
24. Eusebius Caesariensis, vitae Constant. l. 4. cap. 60. & cap. 71. [ Prayers Are made for the soul of the Emperor Constantine, ] is the eight witness:
as though Eusebius and the faithfull of those times had thought, that the Soule of that godly Emperour could bee then deteyned in torment of Purgatorie fire,
as though Eusebius and the faithful of those times had Thought, that the Soul of that godly Emperor could be then detained in torment of Purgatory fire,
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But Coccius himselfe else-where doth both know and acknowledge the confession of Eusebius, concerning the soule of Constantine, to wit, When as I thinke (saith Eusebius) how that his most blessed soule doth enioy life with God,
But Coccius himself elsewhere does both know and acknowledge the Confessi of Eusebius, Concerning the soul of Constantine, to wit, When as I think (Says Eusebius) how that his most blessed soul does enjoy life with God,
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Marke now, good Reader, the distorted wit of this Coccius, who in one place instanceth in the Soule of Constantine, to shew that soules are deteined in a Purgatory torment,
Mark now, good Reader, the distorted wit of this Coccius, who in one place Instanceth in the Soul of Constantine, to show that Souls Are detained in a Purgatory torment,
and yet in another place, singleth out the example of the Soule of the same Constantine, to proue by the testimony of the same Eusebius also, that the Soules of holy men are not kept in places of anguish and affliction after their death,
and yet in Another place, singleth out the Exampl of the Soul of the same Constantine, to prove by the testimony of the same Eusebius also, that the Souls of holy men Are not kept in places of anguish and affliction After their death,
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25. The ninth witnesse must bee Athanas. Quaest. 34. which, in the iudgement of their Sixtus Senensis, Seemeth not to be the booke of Athanasius, but is,
25. The ninth witness must be Athanasius Question 34. which, in the judgement of their Sixtus Senensis, Seems not to be the book of Athanasius, but is,
as their Iesuite Posseuin confesseth, a NONLATINALPHABET that is, Falsly inscribed Athanasius. Coccius, belike, was in doubt that this feigned witnesse would be in danger to loose his 〈 ◊ 〉 and therfore he sought to corroborate his sentence with another testimony of Athanasius, cited by Damascen.
as their Iesuite Possevin Confesses, a that is, Falsely inscribed Athanasius. Coccius, belike, was in doubt that this feigned witness would be in danger to lose his 〈 ◊ 〉 and Therefore he sought to corroborate his sentence with Another testimony of Athanasius, cited by Damascene.
Here againe we see what little credite is to be giuen vnto Coccius in impannelling his Iurie, who will haue a forged booke of Damascen to confirme a forged booke of Athanasius, and all to defend a forged Purgatory, which may well become both Coccius to doe, and M. Parsons to approue.
Here again we see what little credit is to be given unto Coccius in impaneling his Jury, who will have a forged book of Damascene to confirm a forged book of Athanasius, and all to defend a forged Purgatory, which may well become both Coccius to do, and M. Parsons to approve.
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27. The first witnesse following after Athanasius, is Basil. cap. 4. in Esaiam, Qui abluit, &c. where he telleth vs of a Reserued tryall and examination, which shall be made by fire in the life to come:
27. The First witness following After Athanasius, is Basil. cap. 4. in Esaiam, Qui abluit, etc. where he Telleth us of a Reserved trial and examination, which shall be made by fire in the life to come:
] Al these testimonies are of the same stampe, therefore that answere, which their owne Senensis giueth vnto two places, may satisfie for all three, viz. The speech of Basil in Esa. 4. vpon these wordes [ He shall purge Hierusalem in the spirit of iudgement,
] All these testimonies Are of the same stamp, Therefore that answer, which their own Senensis gives unto two places, may satisfy for all three, viz. The speech of Basil in Isaiah 4. upon these words [ He shall purge Jerusalem in the Spirit of judgement,
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and in the spirite of heate, &c. ] where he saith, that this is referred vnto that triall and examination, which shall be in the world to come, &c. as also his speech vpon Esa. 9. saying, that the Prophet sheweth that earthly things must be deliuered igni punitiuo, that is, vnto the punishing fire for the good of the soule, &c. These speeches doe seeme (saith Senensis) to imply that which the former sentences did, (to wit, the sentences of Lactanctius, and Origen ) viz. the fire of conflagration, which shall be in the last day, which, by the confession of Bellarmine doth nor make for Romish Purgatory.
and in the Spirit of heat, etc. ] where he Says, that this is referred unto that trial and examination, which shall be in the world to come, etc. as also his speech upon Isaiah 9. saying, that the Prophet shows that earthly things must be Delivered Fire punitiuo, that is, unto the punishing fire for the good of the soul, etc. These Speeches do seem (Says Senensis) to imply that which the former sentences did, (to wit, the sentences of Lactanctius, and Origen) viz. the fire of conflagration, which shall be in the last day, which, by the Confessi of Bellarmine does nor make for Romish Purgatory.
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28. The second is, Ephraem Orat. aduersus superbiam. Doost thou consider the fire (saith hee) which we must passe thorow? What fire, trow we, is this he sheweth? in 1. Cor. 3. The day of the Lord will declare euery mans worke, which day shall be reuealed by fire.
28. The second is, Ephraem Orat Adversus Superbiam. Dost thou Consider the fire (Says he) which we must pass thorough? What fire, trow we, is this he shows? in 1. Cor. 3. The day of the Lord will declare every men work, which day shall be revealed by fire.
This fire is so plainely the fire of conflagration in the last day of iudgement (and consequently not the Romish Purgatory-fire) that Bellarmine discussing the meaning of that Scripture 1. Cor. 3. The day of the Lord shall be reuealed by fire ] saith that Omnes veteres, &c. that is, All the auncient Writers seeme to vnderstand by this the day of their last iudgment,
This fire is so plainly the fire of conflagration in the last day of judgement (and consequently not the Romish Purgatory fire) that Bellarmine discussing the meaning of that Scripture 1. Cor. 3. The day of the Lord shall be revealed by fire ] Says that Omnes veteres, etc. that is, All the ancient Writers seem to understand by this the day of their last judgement,
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Then may we say that Coccius his inference from that fire of the last iudgement, to proue a fire of Purgatory, before that day of iudgement, is most false. The second place of Ephraem, Paraenet. 49. is of the same stampe; onely, Transitus per ignem.
Then may we say that Coccius his Inference from that fire of the last judgement, to prove a fire of Purgatory, before that day of judgement, is most false. The second place of Ephraem, Paranet. 49. is of the same stamp; only, Transitus per Ignem.
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but read Trithemius de Illust. Scriptoribus, and especially the Iesuite Posseuin, who reckoning almost an hundred Tractats of Ephraem, did omit his Testament.
but read Trithemius de Illust Scriptoribus, and especially the Iesuite Possevin, who reckoning almost an hundred Tractates of Ephraem, did omit his Testament.
vpon this kinde of prayer, by M. Parsons and Coccius his conclusion, we are to beleeue that Nazianzen thought, that the Soule of that Caesarius might then haue beene in Purgatory torment, and not in heauenly blessednesse:
upon this kind of prayer, by M. Parsons and Coccius his conclusion, we Are to believe that Nazianzen Thought, that the Soul of that Caesarius might then have been in Purgatory torment, and not in heavenly blessedness:
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in Laudem fratris Caesary defuncti, which is, in praise of his brother Caesarius then departed, to prooue a quite contrary conclusion, to wit, that the Soules of the faithfull,
in Laudem fratris Caesary Defuncti, which is, in praise of his brother Caesarius then departed, to prove a quite contrary conclusion, to wit, that the Souls of the faithful,
Credo, &c. I beleeue that euery generous soule is pretious in Gods sight, and, as soone as it departeth out of the body, goeth presently vnto the Lord, and receiueth blessednesse.
Credo, etc. I believe that every generous soul is precious in God's sighed, and, as soon as it departeth out of the body, Goes presently unto the Lord, and receiveth blessedness.
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and the contemplation of the blessed Trinity, &c. Which was the so vndoubted doctrine of Nazianzen, concerning the soules of all the godly, who depart in the faith of Christ, that Nilus the Greeke Bishop doth vse a sentence of Nazianzen, for the confutation of Romish Purgatorie, viz, Nazian. Serm. de Pasch. speaking of the state after this life, saith (saith Nilus ) NONLATINALPHABET i. c. That there is no Purgation.
and the contemplation of the blessed Trinity, etc. Which was the so undoubted Doctrine of Nazianzen, Concerning the Souls of all the godly, who depart in the faith of christ, that Nilus the Greek Bishop does use a sentence of Nazianzen, for the confutation of Romish Purgatory, videlicet, Nazian. Sermon de Pasch. speaking of the state After this life, Says (Says Nilus) i. c. That there is no Purgation.
then let vs listen vnto Nilus, who telleth vs that Greg. Nissen seemed to fauour that opinion, which defended NONLATINALPHABET that is, a Redint egration, which sinners (meaning the damned) shall finde after the ende of their punishment,
then let us listen unto Nilus, who Telleth us that Greg. Nissen seemed to favour that opinion, which defended that is, a Redint egration, which Sinners (meaning the damned) shall find After the end of their punishment,
therefore wee answere (saith Nilus ) that those were the pernitious Comments of certaine Heretickes, who accorded vnto Orlgen, and did to that end abuse that singular light of the Church ( viz. Greg. Nissene) to make him seeme to be a Patron of their opinion.
Therefore we answer (Says Nilus) that those were the pernicious Comments of certain Heretics, who accorded unto Orlgen, and did to that end abuse that singular Light of the Church (viz. Greg. Nissene) to make him seem to be a Patron of their opinion.
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Secondly we say (saith Nilus ) that although that holy man (Greg. Nissene) did hold that opinion, which being questionable in his time, was afterward condemned by a Councell,
Secondly we say (Says Nilus) that although that holy man (Greg. Nissene) did hold that opinion, which being questionable in his time, was afterwards condemned by a Council,
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33. Epiphanius approacheth in seuenth place to yeelde his testimonie, who saith nothing but Prodesse orationes mortuis, which (as hath beene prooued) containe not in them any sparke of tormenting fire.
33. Epiphanius Approaches in Seventh place to yield his testimony, who Says nothing but Profits orationes mortuis, which (as hath been proved) contain not in them any spark of tormenting fire.
Besides, it may concerne our Aduersaries to examine this witnesse more strictly, least whilst they labour to draw from him their pretended trueth, they draw vpon themselues an errour condemned by the practise of the Church (which is to pray for the mitigation of the paine of the damned, with whom we haue no communion) because Epiphanius, albeit hee accounted Origen after his death an Hereticke, and an enemie of the Church, by whose doctrine some were made meate for the Diuell, yet did hee pray that God would pardon him.
Beside, it may concern our Adversaries to examine this witness more strictly, least while they labour to draw from him their pretended truth, they draw upon themselves an error condemned by the practice of the Church (which is to pray for the mitigation of the pain of the damned, with whom we have no communion) Because Epiphanius, albeit he accounted Origen After his death an Heretic, and an enemy of the Church, by whose Doctrine Some were made meat for the devil, yet did he pray that God would pardon him.
or Prayer for them who are in ioye, which confuteth Purgatorie; or else Prayer for them, who died in their sinnes, in the state of damnation, which is farre beyond Romish Purgatorie;
or Prayer for them who Are in joy, which confuteth Purgatory; or Else Prayer for them, who died in their Sins, in the state of damnation, which is Far beyond Romish Purgatory;
Whereas (according to our former Obseruations ) Prayer for remission of sinnes may haue diuers respects, besides the deliuerance out of the torment of Purgatorie fire immediately after death,
Whereas (according to our former Observations) Prayer for remission of Sins may have diverse respects, beside the deliverance out of the torment of Purgatory fire immediately After death,
36. The second, Hom. 32. Why dost thou intreate the Priests to pray for the dead? I know thou wilt answere, that thou dost so, that he may obtaine rest,
36. The second, Hom. 32. Why dost thou entreat the Priests to pray for the dead? I know thou wilt answer, that thou dost so, that he may obtain rest,
But if Coccius hadhad the leisure to haue stepped but one foot further to the words next following, hee should haue seene Chrysostome confute his Inserence, As thus:
But if Coccius hadhad the leisure to have stepped but one foot further to the words next following, he should have seen Chrysostom confute his Inference, As thus:
Dost thou therefore weepe and crie? Dost thou not see how contrarie thou art to thy selfe? For seeing thou thinkest that the Soule departed is gone into flourishing and delightfull Meadowes,
Dost thou Therefore weep and cry? Dost thou not see how contrary thou art to thy self? For seeing thou Thinkest that the Soul departed is gone into flourishing and delightful Meadows,
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Why dost thou raise vp such tempests, meaning, of teares? Will M. Parsons iudge that this place can prooue a Purgatorie torment? Will he erect a fierie Fornace vpon flourishing meadowes?
Why dost thou raise up such tempests, meaning, of tears? Will M. Parsons judge that this place can prove a Purgatory torment? Will he erect a fiery Furnace upon flourishing meadows?
Wishing to Diminish the punishment of the dead, he describeth such a dead partie, as spent the most part of his life vainely, seruing sinne and the diuell.
Wishing to Diminish the punishment of the dead, he Describeth such a dead party, as spent the most part of his life vainly, serving sin and the Devil.
But what kind of Soules they bee, the place doeth manifest, where Chrysostome diuideth them onely into two Orders, Them who liued well in this life, and them who liued ill:
But what kind of Souls they be, the place doth manifest, where Chrysostom Divideth them only into two Order, Them who lived well in this life, and them who lived ill:
Like as is more plainely manifested in the next place, In Epist. ad Philipp. Serm. 3. Moral. Where he telleth vs, that much profit redoundeth vnto the dead by our Prayers for sinners departed:
Like as is more plainly manifested in the next place, In Epistle and Philip. Sermon 3. Moral. Where he Telleth us, that much profit redoundeth unto the dead by our Prayers for Sinners departed:
for they were such, in Chrysostome his estimate, Who dying in the abundance of riches, which in their life time they neuer vsed for the comfort of their soules.
for they were such, in Chrysostom his estimate, Who dying in the abundance of riches, which in their life time they never used for the Comfort of their Souls.
I aske therefore, with what conscience doe our Aduersaries cite these testimonies, which (because they are erronious) they themselues will not iustifie and imbrace. 39. Palladius Hist. Lausiac. cap.
I ask Therefore, with what conscience do our Adversaries Cite these testimonies, which (Because they Are erroneous) they themselves will not justify and embrace. 39. Palladius Hist. Lausiac. cap.
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and no maruell, seeing that their Iesuite Posseuine doubteth not to say of him, that he was spotted with Origenicall impieties. The same Palladius (who writ the Historia Lausiaca ) their Cardinall Baronius prooueth, both out of S. Hierom, and Epiphanius, to haue rotted in the contagious heresie of Origen, &c. which Baronius further collecteth out of that Historia Lausiaca, which are the Bookes of Palladius, which Coccius here produceth for proofe of their Purgatorie. Which may disable the credit of Coccius, who in impannelling the Iurie, could make no better choise.
and no marvel, seeing that their Iesuite Possess doubteth not to say of him, that he was spotted with Origenicall impieties. The same Palladius (who writ the History Lausiaca) their Cardinal Baronius proveth, both out of S. Hieronymus, and Epiphanius, to have rotted in the contagious heresy of Origen, etc. which Baronius further collecteth out of that History Lausiaca, which Are the Books of Palladius, which Coccius Here Produceth for proof of their Purgatory. Which may disable the credit of Coccius, who in impaneling the Jury, could make no better choice.
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nor yet of any paine after death, excepting that which is paena immortalis; That is, eternall: But our Aduersaries dreame not of any other Purgatorie paine,
nor yet of any pain After death, excepting that which is paena Immortal; That is, Eternal: But our Adversaries dream not of any other Purgatory pain,
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or Apocryphall, or corrupt, or else violently vrged beyond their proper aime. Witnesses among the Greeke Fathers, abused by Coccius, for defence of Romish Purgatorie. THE LAST DECADE. 41. Atticus Patriarcha Constantinop.
or Apocryphal, or corrupt, or Else violently urged beyond their proper Love. Witnesses among the Greek Father's, abused by Coccius, for defence of Romish Purgatory. THE LAST DECADE. 41. Atticus Patriarch Constantinople.
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Epist. ad Cyrillum Alexand. Here is a solemne Preface, what will this first witnesse say? There is mention to be made of Bishops departed, &c. at the time of the Communion, on the mysticall Table.
Epistle and Cyrillum Alexander Here is a solemn Preface, what will this First witness say? There is mention to be made of Bishops departed, etc. At the time of the Communion, on the mystical Table.
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But we See aboue, sect. 1. num. 7. and more fully hereafter, nu. 47. and 48. haue obserued from our Aduersaries, that Commemoration doeth not inferre any Supplication, nor yet Supplication any tormenting purgation.
But we See above, sect. 1. num. 7. and more Fully hereafter, nu. 47. and 48. have observed from our Adversaries, that Commemoration doth not infer any Supplication, nor yet Supplication any tormenting purgation.
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42. Iohannes Cassianus, Collat. 2. cap. 5. is called vpon by Coccius to speake for Purgatorie: But he may not bee admitted into the number of witnesses,
42. Iohannes Cassian, Collat. 2. cap. 5. is called upon by Coccius to speak for Purgatory: But he may not be admitted into the number of Witnesses,
because he hath long since beene impeached of falshood by Pope Gelasius, who reckneth this Booke among the Apocrypha writings, which is a thing that their Card. Baronius will haue vs obserue:
Because he hath long since been impeached of falsehood by Pope Gelasius, who Reckoneth this Book among the Apocrypha writings, which is a thing that their Card. Baronius will have us observe:
See (saith he) the censure of Gelasius, wherein the same workes of Cassianus (speaking of the Collations here mentioned by Coccius ) are reiected, as being no way Catholicke.
See (Says he) the censure of Gelasius, wherein the same works of Cassian (speaking of the Collations Here mentioned by Coccius) Are rejected, as being no Way Catholic.
43. In the third place, Socrates steppeth forward, in his Lib. 7. Hist. cap. 25. to tell vs how that In solemne Prayers there was mention made of Bishops after their departure.
43. In the third place, Socrates steppeth forward, in his Lib. 7. Hist. cap. 25. to tell us how that In solemn Prayers there was mention made of Bishops After their departure.
But I demand of M. Parsons, how often hee hath heard mention made of the names of Holy men and women departed out of this life at S. Paules Crosse, and els-where by our Preachers of England, in their Prayers of thankesgiuing for their former grace, and present ioy;
But I demand of M. Parsons, how often he hath herd mention made of the names of Holy men and women departed out of this life At S. Paul's Cross, and elsewhere by our Preachers of England, in their Prayers of thanksgiving for their former grace, and present joy;
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44. But what shall we say to Theodoret? Hee first ( Lib. 5. Hist. cap. 36.) recordeth the Act of Theodosius, who prayeth to God to pardon the iniuries, which his Parents had committed of ignorance.
44. But what shall we say to Theodoret? He First (Lib. 5. Hist. cap. 36.) recordeth the Act of Theodosius, who Prayeth to God to pardon the injuries, which his Parents had committed of ignorance.
Wee reade that Isaacke said vnto Abraham, Father, behold the fier and the wood, but where is the Lambe for the burnt offering? I may inuert the speech and say, here is the Sacrifice of Prayer,
we read that Isaacke said unto Abraham, Father, behold the fire and the wood, but where is the Lamb for the burned offering? I may invert the speech and say, Here is the Sacrifice of Prayer,
But this is not found in their Posseuine, among the workes of Theodoret. The third place is noted to be in 1. Cor. 3. Quiequid interuenit, &c. Which words (as Coccius himselfe confesseth) being cited by Aquinas (for Purgatorie) are not now found either in the Greeke or Latine Copies of Theodoret. May we not then iudge them worthy the post? No doubtlesse saith Coccius; for Marke (for he will giue vs a reason) the words were rased out (saith he) by some Greekishenes, who misliked Purgatorie.
But this is not found in their Possess, among the works of Theodoret The third place is noted to be in 1. Cor. 3. Quiequid interuenit, etc. Which words (as Coccius himself Confesses) being cited by Aquinas (for Purgatory) Are not now found either in the Greek or Latin Copies of Theodoret May we not then judge them worthy the post? No doubtless Says Coccius; for Mark (for he will give us a reason) the words were rased out (Says he) by Some Greekishenes, who misliked Purgatory.
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If this were sensible, then the Latines likewise misliked Purgatorie, for the Sentence (saith Coccius ) is not now found in the Latine Translations of Theodoret: So that M. Parsons is to make his choise,
If this were sensible, then the Latins likewise misliked Purgatory, for the Sentence (Says Coccius) is not now found in the Latin Translations of Theodoret: So that M. Parsons is to make his choice,
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whether hee will confesse that one sentence of Theodoret to bee forged, for proofe of Purgatorie, or else both the Greeke and Latine Churches, to haue beene false Registers of the Bookes of Theodoret.
whither he will confess that one sentence of Theodoret to be forged, for proof of Purgatory, or Else both the Greek and Latin Churches, to have been false Registers of the Books of Theodoret
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as it were, into iudgement to be Examined by the fire of iudgement, &c. But their Cardinall Bellarmine hath told vs already that this fire doeth differ from the fire of Purgatorie: For the fier of Iudgement is but a Trying and examining fire; and that fire of Purgatorie is a purging and tormenting fire.
as it were, into judgement to be Examined by the fire of judgement, etc. But their Cardinal Bellarmine hath told us already that this fire doth differ from the fire of Purgatory: For the fire of Judgement is but a Trying and examining fire; and that fire of Purgatory is a purging and tormenting fire.
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The Commemorations of their names, as their Cardinall Baronius teacheth, shewing that heereby was meant the tollerating of the mention of the names of some in the Catalogue of orthodoxall Bishops, who died in the schisme of Acatius.
The Commemorations of their names, as their Cardinal Baronius Teaches, showing that hereby was meant the tolerating of the mention of the names of Some in the Catalogue of orthodoxal Bishops, who died in the Schism of Acatius.
Now if Commemorations of Bishops and Saints departed, doe necessarily conclude them to be in Purgatorie fire, then how shall wee celebrate the names of Patriarkes, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, yea and of the glorious vessell of Grace, the Virgine Marie, to praise God that they are in rest and blessednesse? What iniurie will not these Purgatorians doe vnto other Authors, who dare offer such violence vnto the sentence of so great an Emperour?
Now if Commemorations of Bishops and Saints departed, do necessarily conclude them to be in Purgatory fire, then how shall we celebrate the names of Patriarchs, prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, yea and of the glorious vessel of Grace, the Virgae Marry, to praise God that they Are in rest and blessedness? What injury will not these Purgatorians do unto other Authors, who Dare offer such violence unto the sentence of so great an Emperor?
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Hee is also without due reuerence thrust in, and vrged to speake nothing to the purpose, saying onely that There are Funerals performed for the dead, which are called their Memorials.
He is also without due Reverence thrust in, and urged to speak nothing to the purpose, saying only that There Are Funerals performed for the dead, which Are called their Memorials.
And when he is suffered to speake the best that he can, it is no more but this, that There is a celestiall place of Purgation of mens soules, euen by the Seraphins. This celestiall and heauenly Purgatorie must needes be spirituall, by the force of the Holy Ghost, and not by any hellish torment;
And when he is suffered to speak the best that he can, it is no more but this, that There is a celestial place of Purgation of men's Souls, even by the Seraphim. This celestial and heavenly Purgatory must needs be spiritual, by the force of the Holy Ghost, and not by any hellish torment;
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50. The tenth and last man of their Greeke witnesses is Iohannes Climachus, (who liued about the yeere 580.) Gradu. 4. de Insomnijs. All that the testimonie hath, is but the Celebration of seruice for the sleeping of ones soule:
50. The tenth and last man of their Greek Witnesses is Iohannes Climacus, (who lived about the year 580.) Grade. 4. de Insomnijs. All that the testimony hath, is but the Celebration of service for the sleeping of ones soul:
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51. Because M. Parsons in his Challenge hath allotted vnto me but the compasse of sixe hundred yeares, I will not transgresse, to proccede in discouering many base counterfeits and corrupt Authours, whom Coccius hath brought to serue his stage.
51. Because M. Parsons in his Challenge hath allotted unto me but the compass of sixe hundred Years, I will not transgress, to proccede in discovering many base counterfeits and corrupt Authors, whom Coccius hath brought to serve his stage.
& to apply the allegations of Coccius vnto them, and (seeing that M. Parsons did earnestly desire that I should demonstrate the abuse of one and thirtie Fathers, whether Greeke or Latine, within the compasse of sixe hundred yeeres after Christ ) to trie whether I haue not satisfied him already,
& to apply the allegations of Coccius unto them, and (seeing that M. Parsons did earnestly desire that I should demonstrate the abuse of one and thirtie Father's, whither Greek or Latin, within the compass of sixe hundred Years After christ) to try whither I have not satisfied him already,
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euen in the Greeke Authors, for besides the ten Greeke Liturgies, we haue found Greeke Authors (if we shall admit Damascen for one, who fell in obiter into Coccius his Catalogue) thrice Ten, which by being examined, according to the confessed principles, conclusions, animaduersions,
even in the Greek Authors, for beside the ten Greek Liturgies, we have found Greek Authors (if we shall admit Damascene for one, who fell in obiter into Coccius his Catalogue) thrice Ten, which by being examined, according to the confessed principles, conclusions, animadversions,
because that their owne Bishop Roffensis went so farre in his time, as to confesse that There was none or very rare mention of Purgatory in the Greeke Fathers;
Because that their own Bishop Roffensis went so Far in his time, as to confess that There was none or very rare mention of Purgatory in the Greek Father's;
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Which sheweth that their Salmeron and Coccius, in alleaging more then all the Greeke Fathers, for proofe of that doctrine, haue done this with a Greekish (according to the Prouerb) with a deceiueable faith. Thus much of the Greeke Fathers. SECT. IIII.
Which shows that their Salmeron and Coccius, in alleging more then all the Greek Father's, for proof of that Doctrine, have done this with a Greekish (according to the Proverb) with a deceivable faith. Thus much of the Greek Father's. SECT. IIII.
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if I should deale as particularly in the Latine, as I haue done in the Greeke Testimonies, I might complaine of an — Amphora exit: therefore will I insist onely vpon those allegations, which may be best satisfied from the principles of our Aduersaries,
if I should deal as particularly in the Latin, as I have done in the Greek Testimonies, I might complain of an — Amphora exit: Therefore will I insist only upon those allegations, which may be best satisfied from the principles of our Adversaries,
53. Tertullian is made the Captaine of this band, whom some of our Aduersaries haue noted to haue held, that the soules are in sequestred receptacles, wherein they neyther receiue paine, nor their reward of blessednesse;
53. Tertullian is made the Captain of this band, whom Some of our Adversaries have noted to have held, that the Souls Are in sequestered receptacles, wherein they neither receive pain, nor their reward of blessedness;
which doctrine (in the iudgement of their Iesuite Suarez ) doth consequently gainesay the doctrine of Purgatory fire. And this answere in generall, might satisfie their particular obiections out of Tertullian; notwithstanding we shall examine these.
which Doctrine (in the judgement of their Iesuite Suarez) does consequently gainsay the Doctrine of Purgatory fire. And this answer in general, might satisfy their particular objections out of Tertullian; notwithstanding we shall examine these.
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but to proue out of them that there is an Immortality of the soule, euen as he doth from another absurd opinion of theirs, in calling wicked men diuels, and thereby confessing that there is a Diuell, and consequently a Tormenter, and therefore also a Day of iudgement. Concerning the truth of this answere, my Reader may consult with their owne Renatus Laurentius in his Argument, and Annotations vpon this booke.
but to prove out of them that there is an Immortality of the soul, even as he does from Another absurd opinion of theirs, in calling wicked men Devils, and thereby confessing that there is a devil, and consequently a Tormenter, and Therefore also a Day of judgement. Concerning the truth of this answer, my Reader may consult with their own Renatus Laurentius in his Argument, and Annotations upon this book.
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Must Oblations for the dead once a yeare necessarily imply a Purgatory torment? or wil our aduersaries allow the whole testimony of Tertullian? Neither of both: for their Renatus answering vnto places of S. Cyprian, l. 3. cap. 6. & l. 4. cap. 5. That saying of Cyprian ( saith he ) that Oblations are offered for Martyrs,
Must Oblations for the dead once a year necessarily imply a Purgatory torment? or will our Adversaries allow the Whole testimony of Tertullian? Neither of both: for their Renatus answering unto places of S. Cyprian, l. 3. cap. 6. & l. 4. cap. 5. That saying of Cyprian (Says he) that Oblations Are offered for Martyrs,
after the repeating of the Creede, to giue vp the names of godly men departed, in a scrowle, to lay it on the Altar there, to be recyted not without some praise and commendations of their vertues, which shined in them, whilst they were aliue.
After the repeating of the Creed, to give up the names of godly men departed, in a scroll, to lay it on the Altar there, to be recited not without Some praise and commendations of their Virtues, which shined in them, while they were alive.
What can be more plaine to infringe the necessity of this consequence, which is, from Oblations for them to infer a Purgatory punishment and torment of them? That which Tertullian addeth concerning the yearely celebrations of their Birth-dates, Was ( as both Rhenanus and Rhenatus acknowledged ) an Heathenish custome,
What can be more plain to infringe the necessity of this consequence, which is, from Oblations for them to infer a Purgatory punishment and torment of them? That which Tertullian adds Concerning the yearly celebrations of their Birth-dates, Was (as both Rhenanus and Rhenatus acknowledged) an Heathenish custom,
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speaking of a little offence, which (as the vttermost farthing) must be paid in that morà resurrectionis, That is, in the time of the delay of the Resurrection:
speaking of a little offence, which (as the uttermost farthing) must be paid in that morà resurrectionis, That is, in the time of the Delay of the Resurrection:
Coccius should haue considered that Tertullian is reckoned by their owne Doctors among the erroneous Chiliasts, who held that the Saints should liue a Thousand yeares in this world in all spirituall delights, at what time men should rise (as Ribera expoundeth them) according to their merits, some sooner then others.
Coccius should have considered that Tertullian is reckoned by their own Doctors among the erroneous Chiliasts, who held that the Saints should live a Thousand Years in this world in all spiritual delights, At what time men should rise (as Ribera expoundeth them) according to their merits, Some sooner then Others.
Therefore if we take [ Mora resurrectionis, ] in the last day, for lingring and delay in the time of their resurrection, this, we see, is twelue score wide of Romish Purgatorie.
Therefore if we take [ Mora resurrectionis, ] in the last day, for lingering and Delay in the time of their resurrection, this, we see, is twelue score wide of Romish Purgatory.
57. The fourth, De Monogamia, cap. 11. & De caestitate cap. 11. are bookes which both Pammelius and Posseuine confesse to haue beene written when he was a Montanist, euen against the Church. And the testimonies themselues talking but of Prayers and Oblations, and refreshing, will not carry leuell to the scope that Coccius aymeth at,
57. The fourth, De Monogamia, cap. 11. & De caestitate cap. 11. Are books which both Pammelius and Possess confess to have been written when he was a Montanist, even against the Church. And the testimonies themselves talking but of Prayers and Oblations, and refreshing, will not carry level to the scope that Coccius aimeth At,
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58. The next Authour, concerning whom I may haue some direction from our Aduersaties, is Zeno Veronensis, in whose testimony, In Serm. de Resurrect. there is no mention eyther of Fire or of Purgatory. And the booke it selfe is of so small credite, that their Notaries of auncient writings, viz. Trithemius, Senensis, Posseuine, Baronius, and others, doe not so much as vouchsafe this Author the naming.
58. The next Author, Concerning whom I may have Some direction from our Adversities, is Zeno Veronensis, in whose testimony, In Sermon the Resurrect. there is no mention either of Fire or of Purgatory. And the book it self is of so small credit, that their Notaries of ancient writings, viz. Trithemius, Senensis, Possess, Baronius, and Others, do not so much as vouchsafe this Author the naming.
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Which testimony also Bellarmine vrgeth to prooue their Purgatory fire after death, not considering that Lactantius speaketh ( as their Iesuite Suarez confesseth ) of the fire in the day of the resurrection;
Which testimony also Bellarmine urges to prove their Purgatory fire After death, not considering that Lactantius speaks (as their Iesuite Suarez Confesses) of the fire in the day of the resurrection;
And Suarez doth furthermore call this a false erroneous opinion, to thinke that there shall be some iust men in the day of the resurrection, who being not perfectly purged of their sinnes, must bee ioyned to their bodies,
And Suarez does furthermore call this a false erroneous opinion, to think that there shall be Some just men in the day of the resurrection, who being not perfectly purged of their Sins, must be joined to their bodies,
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as it were by fire, according as elsewhere, In Psal. 118. vpon those wordes [ My soule hath desired thy iudgements ] We ( saith he ) must passe thorow that indefatigable fire, wherin we must vndergoe those grieuous punishments,
as it were by fire, according as elsewhere, In Psalm 118. upon those words [ My soul hath desired thy Judgments ] We (Says he) must pass thorough that indefatigable fire, wherein we must undergo those grievous punishments,
notwithstanding the same Bellarmine repeating the same place of Hilary in Psal. 118. vpon the same text, [ My soule hath desired thy iudgements, &c. where Hilary saith, that All (except Christ) yea, the Virgine Mary must passe thorow the fire, sheweth that Hilary seemeth not to meane the Purgatory fire,
notwithstanding the same Bellarmine repeating the same place of Hilary in Psalm 118. upon the same text, [ My soul hath desired thy Judgments, etc. where Hilary Says, that All (except christ) yea, the Virgae Marry must pass thorough the fire, shows that Hilary seems not to mean the Purgatory fire,
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but as he meant in praying for other Emperors Gratian and Valentinian, which was (as their Iesuite Salmeron confesseth) To pray for their speedie resurection.
but as he meant in praying for other Emperor's Gratian and Valentinian, which was (as their Iesuite Salmeron Confesses) To pray for their speedy resurrection.
and therefore we may dismisse it for a NONLATINALPHABET Neuerthelesse the testimony it selfe cannot euince the Romish Purgatory, as may appeare by comparing it with the third obseruation.
and Therefore we may dismiss it for a Nevertheless the testimony it self cannot evince the Romish Purgatory, as may appear by comparing it with the third observation.
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64. The last place is the Authour of the Comments vpon S. Pauls Epistles, which passe vnder the name of Ambrose, teaching that A man must suffer a purging fire,
64. The last place is the Author of the Comments upon S. Paul's Epistles, which pass under the name of Ambrose, teaching that A man must suffer a purging fire,
or the fire of examination, or the fire of conflagration (as he meaneth in Psal. 118. by the confession of Senensis ) by all which the Romish Purgatorie is excluded.
or the fire of examination, or the fire of conflagration (as he means in Psalm 118. by the Confessi of Senensis) by all which the Romish Purgatory is excluded.
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And although Coccius could fashion his owne meaning out of that place, yet may it be as lawfull for vs to answere in this case, according vnto the iudgement of their Iesuite Salmeron, who proueth those Comments by many Arguments to bee none of S. Ambroses: Which (as he censureth) are infected with the errours of the Pelagians.
And although Coccius could fashion his own meaning out of that place, yet may it be as lawful for us to answer in this case, according unto the judgement of their Iesuite Salmeron, who Proves those Comments by many Arguments to be none of S. Ambrose: Which (as he censureth) Are infected with the errors of the Pelagians.
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But the same Prudentius in his verses saith, that the damned Ghosts haue sometimes paenarum sub styge ferias, That is, Play-dayes and remissions from the paines of hell:
But the same Prudentius in his Verses Says, that the damned Ghosts have sometime Paenarum sub Styge ferias, That is, Play-days and remissions from the pains of hell:
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therfore could Bellarmine say no lesse, but that Prudentius did herein play the Poët. And so say we, Termes of Poësie do not alwaies besit the Virgine Theologie.
Therefore could Bellarmine say no less, but that Prudentius did herein play the Poet. And so say we, Terms of Poësie do not always besit the Virgae Theology.
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so doe wee thinke that the sentence of the Iudge, will be moderate and mixed with clemencie against the vngodly Christians, whose workes must be purged with fire.
so do we think that the sentence of the Judge, will be moderate and mixed with clemency against the ungodly Christians, whose works must be purged with fire.
The soule, after that it hath indured torments, and is deliuered out of darkenesse, vppon the payment of the last farthing, I shall see the iustice of the Lord.
The soul, After that it hath endured torments, and is Delivered out of darkness, upon the payment of the last farthing, I shall see the Justice of the Lord.
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but they are the temporall in this life, such as the punishment of the man who gathered stickes (for this is one example) and not of the Romish Temporall punishment in Purgatory.
but they Are the temporal in this life, such as the punishment of the man who gathered sticks (for this is one Exampl) and not of the Romish Temporal punishment in Purgatory.
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68. Ruffinus Ad Psal. 37. who liued Anno 390. and is alleadged out of a Comment vpon the Psalmes, which (for ought that doth appeare in their owne Sonnius, or by their Iesuite Posseuine ) came not into publique Print,
68. Ruffinus Ad Psalm 37. who lived Anno 390. and is alleged out of a Comment upon the Psalms, which (for ought that does appear in their own Sonnius, or by their Iesuite Possess) Come not into public Print,
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69. The next Allegation of Coccius, which may be controlled by our aduersaries confessions, is out of Paulinus Nolanus his Epist. 18. & Epist. 19. We demaund some euidence for the antiquity of these Epistles, Card. Baronius aunswereth, that They were preserued by the industry of S. Amandus a Bishop: But what apparance haue they for this? The Epistle (saith he) of Paulinus written vnto Amandus:
69. The next Allegation of Coccius, which may be controlled by our Adversaries confessions, is out of Paulinus Nolanus his Epistle 18. & Epistle 19. We demand Some evidence for the antiquity of these Epistles, Card. Baronius Answers, that They were preserved by the industry of S. Amandus a Bishop: But what appearance have they for this? The Epistle (Says he) of Paulinus written unto Amandus:
That which is further drawne out of the Paraphrasis of Paulinus, in Psal. 1. speaketh of The fire which tryeth the worke, which Bellarmine hath distinguished from his Purgatory fire, because this Trieth the worker.
That which is further drawn out of the Paraphrasis of Paulinus, in Psalm 1. speaks of The fire which trieth the work, which Bellarmine hath distinguished from his Purgatory fire, Because this Trieth the worker.
70. Pope Sixtus De malis doctoribus & operibus fidei (which Coccius calleth Sixtus tertius: but Posseuine sheweth to haue beene Sixtus secundus ) Our apparitor Coccius calleth into the Court to beare witnesse for Purgatory: but hee no sooner appeareth:
70. Pope Sixtus De malis doctoribus & operibus fidei (which Coccius calls Sixtus tertius: but Possess shows to have been Sixtus secundus) Our apparitor Coccius calls into the Court to bear witness for Purgatory: but he no sooner appears:
There were (saith Posseuine ) three volumes of Pelagians, written in the name of Pope Sixtus, the second of them was De malis Doctoribus & operib { us } fidei, which Baronius obserueth to be fraught with Pelagianisme, whereof Lindane hath complained. And thus we see also Coccius vnmasked in his allegation of Pope Sixtus, for still hee abuseth his Reader with the Aequiuocating names of false Authours.
There were (Says Possess) three volumes of Pelagians, written in the name of Pope Sixtus, the second of them was De malis Doctoribus & Works { us } fidei, which Baronius observeth to be fraught with Pelagianism, whereof Lindane hath complained. And thus we see also Coccius unmasked in his allegation of Pope Sixtus, for still he abuseth his Reader with the Equivocating names of false Authors.
But if we aske their Suarez how we may call Examination a fire, he will informe vs that it is so to be vnderstood as is that of Dan. 7. [ A stood of fire went out at his mouth ] which was the iudgement of God,
But if we ask their Suarez how we may call Examination a fire, he will inform us that it is so to be understood as is that of Dan. 7. [ A stood of fire went out At his Mouth ] which was the judgement of God,
and fignifieth nothing but that sentence which Christ shall pronounce, which like a fercible fire shall separate and discerne the wicked from the good.
and fignifieth nothing but that sentence which christ shall pronounce, which like a fercible fire shall separate and discern the wicked from the good.
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72. Caesarius Arelatensis, vpon 1. Cor. 3. viz. He shall be safe, yet as it were by fire, distinguisheth betweene the perpetua paena, and paena Purgatoria. And although he talke of Purgatory punishments, by tribulations in this life,
72. Caesarius Arelatensis, upon 1. Cor. 3. viz. He shall be safe, yet as it were by fire, Distinguisheth between the perpetua paena, and paena Purgatory. And although he talk of Purgatory punishments, by tribulations in this life,
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That he meant the Fire of the day of the Last Resurrection, it is not denied by Suarez, by whom he is reprehended as Erroneous for holding, that Some soules, which are not sufficiently purged before the resurrection, shall in that day be purged with that fire.
That he meant the Fire of the day of the Last Resurrection, it is not denied by Suarez, by whom he is reprehended as Erroneous for holding, that some Souls, which Are not sufficiently purged before the resurrection, shall in that day be purged with that fire.
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73. It were but expence of time to prosecute other Allegations, which Coccius hath pyled vp as Billits, to vse for the making their pretended Romish Purgatory fire to burne more bright, wherein there is onely eyther praying for their peace, as in Arnobius lib. 4. contrà Gentes, or only Oblations or Prayers for the dead, as that of Bacchiarius, De recip. Lapsis;
73. It were but expense of time to prosecute other Allegations, which Coccius hath pile up as Billits, to use for the making their pretended Romish Purgatory fire to burn more bright, wherein there is only either praying for their peace, as in Arnobius lib. 4. contrà Gentes, or only Oblations or Prayers for the dead, as that of Bacchiarius, De recip. Lapsis;
69. and Conc. Carthag. cap. 79. or the publicke remembrances, commemorations, and Memorials of some in their publicke prayers, in testimony of the faith of those seruants of God,
69. and Conc Carthage. cap. 79. or the public remembrances, commemorations, and Memorials of Some in their public Prayers, in testimony of the faith of those Servants of God,
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4. All which in an orthodoxal sense haue bin applied (as we haue seene) vnto Martyrs and other Saints of blessednesse, who are many thousand miles separated from all breath and sent of that fierie fornace of their Purgatory: which their Coccius, according to his common errour aymeth at, who will not be found excusable in his last two witnesses.
4. All which in an orthodoxal sense have been applied (as we have seen) unto Martyrs and other Saints of blessedness, who Are many thousand miles separated from all breath and sent of that fiery furnace of their Purgatory: which their Coccius, according to his Common error aimeth At, who will not be found excusable in his last two Witnesses.
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And in the Councell Vasatense, 1. cap. 1. it was decreede, that Whosoeuer did withdraw from the Church the oblations of the dead, they should be separated from the Church as Infidels.
And in the Council Vasatense, 1. cap. 1. it was decreed, that Whosoever did withdraw from the Church the Oblations of the dead, they should be separated from the Church as Infidels.
In these we see Oblations of the dead, which they by their Willes and Testaments left to the Church, to bee bestowed in charitable vses, which Coccius alleadgeth for proofe of Oblations for the dead, to inferre that loose and dissolute Consequence for the state of such soules in a fierie Purgatory. And are not the holy and glorious Saints much beholden vnto Coccius, who from their Oblations of Charity must likewise conclude, that they are in affliction and torment?
In these we see Oblations of the dead, which they by their Wills and Testaments left to the Church, to be bestowed in charitable uses, which Coccius allegeth for proof of Oblations for the dead, to infer that lose and dissolute Consequence for the state of such Souls in a fiery Purgatory. And Are not the holy and glorious Saints much beholden unto Coccius, who from their Oblations of Charity must likewise conclude, that they Are in affliction and torment?
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and he lib. 5. in Apoc. 19. speaking of Martyrs, saith of them (as of others) that The soules of the godly, who are departed, are not now separated from the Church, which is the Kingdome of Christ:
and he lib. 5. in Apocalypse 19. speaking of Martyrs, Says of them (as of Others) that The Souls of the godly, who Are departed, Are not now separated from the Church, which is the Kingdom of christ:
Now all the Romanists doe, together with vs, professe to the glorie of Gods grace, that Martyrs and holy Saints are in the Tabernacles of rest and blessednesse, where there is no Teares, but all ioyfull songs of Alleluiah: whom notwithstanding wee beleeue to be ioyned with vs by a spirituall Communion, we praysing God for their holines in their life-time,
Now all the Romanists do, together with us, profess to the glory of God's grace, that Martyrs and holy Saints Are in the Tabernacles of rest and blessedness, where there is no Tears, but all joyful songs of Alleluiah: whom notwithstanding we believe to be joined with us by a spiritual Communion, we praising God for their holiness in their lifetime,
but M. Parsons himselfe wil be offended with his Apparitor Coccius, who vseth no other sentence out of Primasius, to prooue that some soules are in the fire of Purgatorie, sauing that whereby it must necessarily follow, that Martyrs and the Inhabitants of Paradise are in miserie.
but M. Parsons himself will be offended with his Apparitor Coccius, who uses no other sentence out of Primasius, to prove that Some Souls Are in the fire of Purgatory, Saving that whereby it must necessarily follow, that Martyrs and the Inhabitants of Paradise Are in misery.
76. Thus haue I (as I hope) abundantly performed my Taske, offering vnto Mr. Parsons, our fierce Challenger, his choise of aboue fiftie Testimonies in all, to take out one and thirty Instances of abuses of Fathers, vsed for the proofe of their Purgatory: To the satisfying of his Earnest Appetite from the confessed Obseruations, Principles,
76. Thus have I (as I hope) abundantly performed my Task, offering unto Mr. Parsons, our fierce Challenger, his choice of above fiftie Testimonies in all, to take out one and thirty Instances of Abuses of Father's, used for the proof of their Purgatory: To the satisfying of his Earnest Appetite from the confessed Observations, Principles,
and Conclusions of our aduersaries themselues: and yet I did not examine all the sixtie. This Combat being ended, I returne to my Encountor with M. Parsons. CHAP. XII. The falshoods, wherewith M. Parsons hath beene charged in my Preamble (part whereof followeth in the thirteenth Chapter) and his defence thereupon in his Reckoning. SECT. I.
and Conclusions of our Adversaries themselves: and yet I did not examine all the sixtie. This Combat being ended, I return to my Encountor with M. Parsons. CHAP. XII. The falsehoods, wherewith M. Parsons hath been charged in my Preamble (part whereof follows in the thirteenth Chapter) and his defence thereupon in his Reckoning. SECT. I.
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1. HE hath beene deepely charged with grosse vntruethes, and yet doeth insert himselfe in the Catalogue of sincere writers. M. PARSONS his Reckoning, and profession of sinceritie.
1. HE hath been deeply charged with gross untruths, and yet doth insert himself in the Catalogue of sincere writers. M. PARSONS his Reckoning, and profession of sincerity.
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and errour, but such as must needes be iudged malicious and wittingly vntrue, I doe not desire any pardon or relaxation from my first promise, that I be neuer credited more;
and error, but such as must needs be judged malicious and wittingly untrue, I do not desire any pardon or relaxation from my First promise, that I be never credited more;
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and truely I do confesse, that if I did perswade my selfe, or doubt that M. Morton or any other could prooue any such one vntrueth vttered by me, I should be much troubled in Conscience therewith:
and truly I do confess, that if I did persuade my self, or doubt that M. Mortonum or any other could prove any such one untruth uttered by me, I should be much troubled in Conscience therewith:
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2. If that M. Parsons bee an honest man, then his fellow Priest hath played no honest mans part, who hath branded him in the forehead, with singular markes of Forgeries and Lies. Neuerthelesse, I stand not vpon his Conscience,
2. If that M. Parsons be an honest man, then his fellow Priest hath played no honest men part, who hath branded him in the forehead, with singular marks of Forgeries and Lies. Nevertheless, I stand not upon his Conscience,
but contend by due proofe to lay open his foule spots of falsifications, formerly obiected against him in my Preamble, which in this Reckoning he laboureth to wash off, with like successe as the Aethiopian doeth his blacknesse, As we shall see.
but contend by due proof to lay open his foul spots of falsifications, formerly objected against him in my Preamble, which in this Reckoning he Laboureth to wash off, with like success as the aethiopian doth his blackness, As we shall see.
3. In the Preamble, I said that I would not vrge him with his owne contradiction, who in his Preface to his Reader saith, He knoweth not the name of T. M. and yet in his Epistle Dedicatorie vnto both the Vniuersities, which is set before the Preface, he mentioned the name of Tho. Morton at the full;
3. In the Preamble, I said that I would not urge him with his own contradiction, who in his Preface to his Reader Says, He Knoweth not the name of T. M. and yet in his Epistle Dedicatory unto both the Universities, which is Set before the Preface, he mentioned the name of Tho. Mortonum At the full;
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BVt what if this be no contradiction at all, and M. Morton did know it to be so? First the Dedicatorie Epistle of euery worke is wont to be the last thing that is written,
But what if this be no contradiction At all, and M. Mortonum did know it to be so? First the Dedicatory Epistle of every work is wont to be the last thing that is written,
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Secondly, I doe expresly signifie in my said Epistle Dedicatorie, that the said Epistle was written after the Preface and Treatise thereof, &c. Thirdly, to conuince him indeede and most apparantly of witting and willing fraude in this point, I must tell the Reader, I did in the place here cited of the third Chapter of my Treatise, set downe clearely and perspicuously when,
Secondly, I do expressly signify in my said Epistle Dedicatory, that the said Epistle was written After the Preface and Treatise thereof, etc. Thirdly, to convince him indeed and most apparently of witting and willing fraud in this point, I must tell the Reader, I did in the place Here cited of the third Chapter of my Treatise, Set down clearly and perspicuously when,
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And now let the Reader iudge betweene vs, whether it be likely that M. Morton knew my Dedicatorie Epistle, wherein I take notice of his Name, were written after the common Preface,
And now let the Reader judge between us, whither it be likely that M. Mortonum knew my Dedicatory Epistle, wherein I take notice of his Name, were written After the Common Preface,
I obserue in all this defence, that there is an Epistle Dedicatorie (wherein the name, Tho. Morton, is mentioned) which giueth notice of a large common Epistle (wherin M. Parsons said that he knew not the name) prefixed before a Treatise; and in the third Chapter of that Treatise, the occasion is expressed of knowing the name;
I observe in all this defence, that there is an Epistle Dedicatory (wherein the name, Tho. Mortonum, is mentioned) which gives notice of a large Common Epistle (wherein M. Parsons said that he knew not the name) prefixed before a Treatise; and in the third Chapter of that Treatise, the occasion is expressed of knowing the name;
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often telling vs that the Dedicatorie Epistle was written after the common Preface, saying furthermore that hee was Forced by sicknesse, to lay aside that which he had written;
often telling us that the Dedicatory Epistle was written After the Common Preface, saying furthermore that he was Forced by sickness, to lay aside that which he had written;
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and hence inferreth, that in the Preface hee said truely that hee knew not that name. In all which his Answere hee hath forgot the principall verbe, viz. [ Printed: ] For if the Preface, wherein he saith hee knew not the name; were,
and hence infers, that in the Preface he said truly that he knew not that name. In all which his Answer he hath forgotten the principal verb, viz. [ Printed: ] For if the Preface, wherein he Says he knew not the name; were,
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5. Neuerthelesse, lest that I might disturbe the Order of M. Parsons his Reckoning, I thought good to fill vp this his first place, with a perfect falshood indeede of his owne (not yet mentioned) which is such as may perswade any man of Conscience, that M. Parsons his Conscience hath taken such a leake,
5. Nevertheless, lest that I might disturb the Order of M. Parsons his Reckoning, I Thought good to fill up this his First place, with a perfect falsehood indeed of his own (not yet mentioned) which is such as may persuade any man of Conscience, that M. Parsons his Conscience hath taken such a leak,
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FInally, Iohn Caluine himselfe, treating of this matter, confesseth that the vse of Prayer for the dead (which supposeth Purgatorie ) was practised in the Primitiue Church aboue one thousand three hundred yeeres agone:
FInally, John Calvin himself, treating of this matter, Confesses that the use of Prayer for the dead (which Supposeth Purgatory) was practised in the Primitive Church above one thousand three hundred Years ago:
It was receiued in vse aboue a thousand three hundred yeeres past, that Prayers should bee made for the soules of them that were departed. And a little after:
It was received in use above a thousand three hundred Years past, that Prayers should be made for the Souls of them that were departed. And a little After:
where Iohn Caluine in the former place cited, after his confession of the receiued vse of Prayer before one thousand three hundred yeeres, saith, Sed omnes, fateor, in errorem abrepti suerun:
where John Calvin in the former place cited, After his Confessi of the received use of Prayer before one thousand three hundred Years, Says, said omnes, Fateor, in errorem abrepti suerun:
6. M. Parsons hath singled out of all the bookes of Mr. Caluine this one place, which he presenteth to his Reader for a spectacle of contempt vsed by M. Caluine against auncient Fathers,
6. M. Parsons hath singled out of all the books of Mr. Calvin this one place, which he presents to his Reader for a spectacle of contempt used by M. Calvin against ancient Father's,
Cùm ergo obijciunt Aduersary ante mille & trecentos annos &c. That is, Wheras my Aduersaries (saith Caluine ) doe obiect vnto me, that prayers for the dead were wont to be vsed in the Church a thousand, three hundred yeares since:
Cùm ergo obijciunt Adversary ante mille & trecentos annos etc. That is, Whereas my Adversaries (Says Calvin) do Object unto me, that Prayers for the dead were wont to be used in the Church a thousand, three hundred Years since:
Where M. Parsons, to make M. Caluines aunswere more odious, put in Omnes veteres, that is, All auncient Fathers erred therein, as though Caluine had condemned them All in this point.
Where M. Parsons, to make M. Calvin's answer more odious, put in Omnes veteres, that is, All ancient Father's erred therein, as though Calvin had condemned them All in this point.
Verum nè glorientur Aduersaris nostri, quasi veterem Ecclesiam erroris sui sociam habeant, &c. But least that our Aduersaries ( iaith Caluine) may boast,
Verum nè glorientur Aduersaris Our, quasi veterem Church Error sui sociam habeant, etc. But least that our Adversaries (iaith Calvin) may boast,
Besides, we might easily produce diuers testimonies of ancient Fathers, wherby the vse of those prayers is manifestly confuted. Thus farre Mr. Caluine;
Beside, we might Easily produce diverse testimonies of ancient Father's, whereby the use of those Prayers is manifestly confuted. Thus Far Mr. Calvin;
8. Lastly, Caluine ( saith M. Parsons) confesseth that the vse of Prayer for the dead (which supposeth Purgatory) was practised, &c. Neuer taking notice that Caluine denieth that consequence, holding that Prayer for the dead doeth not inferre Purgatorie.
8. Lastly, Calvin (Says M. Parsons) Confesses that the use of Prayer for the dead (which Supposeth Purgatory) was practised, etc. Never taking notice that Calvin Denieth that consequence, holding that Prayer for the dead doth not infer Purgatory.
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9. Is not here as great a manifestation of witting malice, and falshood (for ought that can appeare to any Reader) as an Aduersarie could possibly vse? First to alleadge Caluines obiection, in that sense wherein it was obiected,
9. Is not Here as great a manifestation of witting malice, and falsehood (for ought that can appear to any Reader) as an Adversary could possibly use? First to allege Calvin's objection, in that sense wherein it was objected,
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What will now become of M. Parsons his Confidence of his owne sinceritie, who boasteth that there cannot be brought against him any one example of such a falsitie, much lesse thrice three, seeing that here are at least three grosse falshoods in this one? we further enter vpon the falshoods wherewith he was charged in the Preamble.
What will now become of M. Parsons his Confidence of his own sincerity, who boasts that there cannot be brought against him any one Exampl of such a falsity, much less thrice three, seeing that Here Are At least three gross falsehoods in this one? we further enter upon the falsehoods wherewith he was charged in the Preamble.
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THe trueth is, that my meaning was according to the meaning of M. Mortons assertion, promising that he would alwayes so set down the clause of Reseruation in Latine, that the simple Reader should not vnderstand it, no more then simple men could vnderstand Aristotles Philosophy; in which maner I found it put downe,
THe truth is, that my meaning was according to the meaning of M. Mortons assertion, promising that he would always so Set down the clause of Reservation in Latin, that the simple Reader should not understand it, no more then simple men could understand Aristotle Philosophy; in which manner I found it put down,
But in all other places, though he put in oftentimes, I know not this, or that, Vt tibi dicam, vt tibi reuelem, &c. Yet doeth he so vtter in English all the rest of the cases professed,
But in all other places, though he put in oftentimes, I know not this, or that, Vt tibi dicam, vt tibi reuelem, etc. Yet doth he so utter in English all the rest of the cases professed,
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11. The onely shadow of excuse, which M. Parsons hath, for couert of his former vntrueth (when hee said that The clause of Reseruation was set downe in Latine but once, notwithstanding it bee found in Latine aboue one and twentie times) is to point at one place, which hee saith is onely and wholly in Latine, thus:
11. The only shadow of excuse, which M. Parsons hath, for covert of his former untruth (when he said that The clause of Reservation was Set down in Latin but once, notwithstanding it be found in Latin above one and twentie times) is to point At one place, which he Says is only and wholly in Latin, thus:
A Catholicke being asked, whether a Priest be in such a place, may, notwithstanding his perfect knowledge to the contrarie, answere, [ Hee is not there, vt (loquar enim Latinè, nè I diotae ansam sibi arripiant nequitèr mentiendi) quis teneatur illud det egere.
A Catholic being asked, whither a Priest be in such a place, may, notwithstanding his perfect knowledge to the contrary, answer, [ He is not there, vt (loquar enim Latinè, nè I diotae ansam sibi arripiant nequitèr mentiendi) quis teneatur illud debt egere.
] Where it is as apparant that the mentall Equiuocation in this place (for the Parenthesis is no part of the sentence) being this, [ Hee is not there ] Vt quis teneatur detegere, cannot be said to be wholly in Latine, more then [ I am no Priest, ] Vt tibireuelem;
] Where it is as apparent that the mental Equivocation in this place (for the Parenthesis is no part of the sentence) being this, [ He is not there ] Vt quis teneatur detegere, cannot be said to be wholly in Latin, more then [ I am no Priest, ] Vt tibireuelem;
12. Wherefore by this Reckoning I am iustly occasioned to charge M. Parsons with two vntrueths, the first for his former saying, that The clause of Reseruation was put downe in Latine but once: The second is for now excusing it.
12. Wherefore by this Reckoning I am justly occasioned to charge M. Parsons with two untruths, the First for his former saying, that The clause of Reservation was put down in Latin but once: The second is for now excusing it.
by instancing in one place, as though it were put downe wholly in Latine, where not withstanding the first part of the mentall Equiuocation is as much in English;
by instancing in one place, as though it were put down wholly in Latin, where not withstanding the First part of the mental Equivocation is as much in English;
and the latter part (being the clause of Reseruation) no more Latine, then are the twentie other examples of mentall Equiuocation, which I did particularly recount.
and the latter part (being the clause of Reservation) no more Latin, then Are the twentie other Examples of mental Equivocation, which I did particularly recount.
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so dealeth the deceitfull man with his friend, and saith, Am not I in ieast? As for Mast. Parsons he hath intituled himselfe an Aduersarie, and as all men know, he vseth to ieast vncharitably enough. SECT. III.
so deals the deceitful man with his friend, and Says, Am not I in jest? As for Mast. Parsons he hath entitled himself an Adversary, and as all men know, he uses to jest uncharitably enough. SECT. III.
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14. WHere I said particularly of one of your Doctors, surnamed the Moderate Answerer, that He setteth himselfe in the chaire of the vnlearned Doctors, reprehended by the Apostle, &c. because of his shallow Answeres, which he made with an If, &c. Mr. Parsons in all snuffe and fume rageth against me,
14. WHere I said particularly of one of your Doctors, surnamed the Moderate Answerer, that He sets himself in the chair of the unlearned Doctors, reprehended by the Apostle, etc. Because of his shallow Answers, which he made with an If, etc. Mr. Parsons in all snuff and fume rages against me,
I Remit my Reader, for tryall of this, vnto the ponderation of the text it selfe of his said Epistle [ To our deceiued Brethren ] and to his inferring wordes applied to our Priests, in calling them an erring Priesthood.
I Remit my Reader, for trial of this, unto the ponderation of the text it self of his said Epistle [ To our deceived Brothers ] and to his inferring words applied to our Priests, in calling them an erring Priesthood.
As for that Title of Seduced Brethrē, it can make no good cōsequence to proue that I thought Seducers to be vnlearned; no more then if M. Parsons would say, that because Eue a silly woman was Seduced by the Diuell, therefore the Diuell, who deceiued her, was no subtle seducer.
As for that Title of Seduced Brothers, it can make no good consequence to prove that I Thought Seducers to be unlearned; no more then if M. Parsons would say, that Because Eue a silly woman was Seduced by the devil, Therefore the devil, who deceived her, was no subtle seducer.
Seeing therefore that M. Parsons (after so cleare a conuiction of his errour (which any English Reader may perceiue) doth still persist in aunswering, that he committed No errour at all, but gaue a true explanation of my meaning, he, by this deniall of one falshood, hath made vp two. SECT. IIII. The fourth charge about Goodman.
Seeing Therefore that M. Parsons (After so clear a conviction of his error (which any English Reader may perceive) does still persist in answering, that he committed No error At all, but gave a true explanation of my meaning, he, by this denial of one falsehood, hath made up two. SECT. IIII. The fourth charge about Goodman.
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16. COncerning the seditious doctrine of Goodman, I answered, that If I should iustifie him, my heart should condemne my selfe, and furthermore called his seditious positions Wicked and false: yet did M. Parsons informe his Reader that I did particularly iustifie Goodman. The summe of Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
16. Concerning the seditious Doctrine of Goodman, I answered, that If I should justify him, my heart should condemn my self, and furthermore called his seditious positions Wicked and false: yet did M. Parsons inform his Reader that I did particularly justify Goodman. The sum of Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
MY wordes were these, that he ( T. M. ) taketh vpon him more fondly in the second part of his Replie, to make a publique iustification of all Protestants for rebelling against their Princes in any Countrey whatsoeuer,
MY words were these, that he (T. M.) Takes upon him more fondly in the second part of his Reply, to make a public justification of all Protestants for rebelling against their Princes in any Country whatsoever,
but more particularly in England, and therein doth he iustifie Cranmer, Ridley, and others, that conspired against Q. Mary: Kuoxe, Buchanan, Goodman, in Scotland, as his iustification is a more condemnation of them,
but more particularly in England, and therein does he justify Cranmer, Ridley, and Others, that conspired against Q. Marry: Kuoxe, Buchanan, Goodman, in Scotland, as his justification is a more condemnation of them,
17. I thought M. Parsons had beene a professed Diuine, and had read in Scripture that the Prophet doth vpbraide Ierusalem and Israell, saying that they did Iustifie Sodome by their iniquities, that is, (must M. Parsons say,
17. I Thought M. Parsons had been a professed Divine, and had read in Scripture that the Prophet does upbraid Ierusalem and Israel, saying that they did Justify Sodom by their iniquities, that is, (must M. Parsons say,
if we admit of his own Comment) God doth commend Sodome for her iniquities, because the Scripture saith, that other wicked Cities doe iustifie Sodome: whereas euery triuiall Scholler,
if we admit of his own Comment) God does commend Sodom for her iniquities, Because the Scripture Says, that other wicked Cities do justify Sodom: whereas every trivial Scholar,
and almost vulgar man, who hath beene exercised in the Scriptures, knoweth that it is spoken onely by a Comparison of two vngodly people together, wherein Ierusalem is brought-in to iustifie the other,
and almost Vulgar man, who hath been exercised in the Scriptures, Knoweth that it is spoken only by a Comparison of two ungodly people together, wherein Ierusalem is brought-in to justify the other,
Thus, said I, Although your Priests by their Examples (namely, of more bloody positions) might iustifie Goodman, (as being lesse seditious then they are themselues;) yet if I should not condemne Goodman, my heart should condemne my selfe.
Thus, said I, Although your Priests by their Examples (namely, of more bloody positions) might justify Goodman, (as being less seditious then they Are themselves;) yet if I should not condemn Goodman, my heart should condemn my self.
What can be more plaine to expresse my purpose in condemning Goodman, whom notwithstanding M. Parsons, to his no smal shame, did say I Iustified? Therefore this vntruth also must still remaine vpon his score with the rest.
What can be more plain to express my purpose in condemning Goodman, whom notwithstanding M. Parsons, to his not small shame, did say I Justified? Therefore this untruth also must still remain upon his score with the rest.
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18. Mr. Parsons hath likewise signified vnto the Reader, that I iustified these also, albeit I iudged their doctrine Seditious, and worthily condemned by a Parliament in Scotland.
18. Mr. Parsons hath likewise signified unto the Reader, that I justified these also, albeit I judged their Doctrine Seditious, and worthily condemned by a Parliament in Scotland.
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For concerning Knoxe and Buchanan, I said that An Acte of Parliament calld-in the bookes of Buchanan, censuring all such contempts and Innouations, Adding that, you may not call that the doctrine of the Church of Scotland, which the generall current of the Church and State did condemne in publique Parliament, such is the seditious doctrine of resisting and deposing of Kings.
For Concerning Knox and Buchanan, I said that an Act of Parliament calld-in the books of Buchanan, censuring all such contempts and Innovations, Adding that, you may not call that the Doctrine of the Church of Scotland, which the general current of the Church and State did condemn in public Parliament, such is the seditious Doctrine of resisting and deposing of Kings.
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But yet thus it became M. Parsons to couer his former faithlesse dealing with a shamelesse deniall, which (lest it should not be manifest enough) he maketh more visible by a palpable vntruth: and yet againe. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
But yet thus it became M. Parsons to cover his former faithless dealing with a shameless denial, which (lest it should not be manifest enough) he makes more visible by a palpable untruth: and yet again. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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Particularly intreating of the examples of English Protestants, whom the Moderate Answerer had obiected, and spending the whole third Chapter for the iustifying of the English Writers, excepting Goodman, whom I there held worthy of condemnation.
Particularly entreating of the Examples of English Protestants, whom the Moderate Answerer had objected, and spending the Whole third Chapter for the justifying of the English Writers, excepting Goodman, whom I there held worthy of condemnation.
21. After, in the fourth Chapter, intituled [ The obiections against the Church of Scotland ] I answered (as is aforesaid) for the condemning of Knoxe and Buchanan: whereas there is not so much as any intimation of these two in the other place:
21. After, in the fourth Chapter, entitled [ The objections against the Church of Scotland ] I answered (as is aforesaid) for the condemning of Knox and Buchanan: whereas there is not so much as any intimation of these two in the other place:
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as M. Parsons hath done, who could not distinguish the speech, which particularly concerned England, from that which was applied onely vnto Scotland. Hee held it sufficient,
as M. Parsons hath done, who could not distinguish the speech, which particularly concerned England, from that which was applied only unto Scotland. He held it sufficient,
22. THe testimony of M. Campian was brought to accuse M. Caluine; concerning his doctrine of calling Christ NONLATINALPHABET and censuring it to be monstrous:
22. THe testimony of M. Campian was brought to accuse M. Calvin; Concerning his Doctrine of calling christ and censuring it to be monstrous:
who iustifieth the sense of Caluine, as being Catholicke: yet did Mr. Parsons so relate the matter, by changing Campian into Bellarmine, as though I had foolishly brought in Bellarmine to be contrary to himselfe:
who Justifieth the sense of Calvin, as being Catholic: yet did Mr. Parsons so relate the matter, by changing Campian into Bellarmine, as though I had foolishly brought in Bellarmine to be contrary to himself:
BEcause vpon the word [ your Iesuite ] M. Morton placed the letter ( r ) for reference in the margent vnto Campian, and vpon the next Authour put downe the letter ( t ) vpon the quotation of Bellarmine to the same effect, rescuing the opinion of Caluine and Beza; the letters being very small, the one was taken for the other,
Because upon the word [ your Iesuite ] M. Mortonum placed the Letter (r) for Referente in the margin unto Campian, and upon the next Author put down the Letter (tO) upon the quotation of Bellarmine to the same Effect, rescuing the opinion of Calvin and Beza; the letters being very small, the one was taken for the other,
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when as for me to change voluntarily these two names, Cuibono? The Reuiew. 23. Here M. Parsons confesseth his errour, but saith that he did it not voluntarily,
when as for me to change voluntarily these two names, Cuibono? The Reuiew. 23. Here M. Parsons Confesses his error, but Says that he did it not voluntarily,
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or vpon an euill intent But alas the good mans meaning bewrayeth it selfe, by the manner of his owne Accusation, wherein hee spared not to note me for a Shifter, by intending to deceiue the Reader: Neuerthelesse perceiuing his owne vngratious shift discouered, he will haue me to take it for a reasonable part of a Reckoning, to answer, Cui bono? that is, What good would it haue beene for me (saith he) to haue done this willingly? When as he should rather haue asked, Cui malo? that is, To whom hee might worke a mischiefe hereby;
or upon an evil intent But alas the good men meaning bewrayeth it self, by the manner of his own Accusation, wherein he spared not to note me for a Shifter, by intending to deceive the Reader: Nevertheless perceiving his own ungracious shift discovered, he will have me to take it for a reasonable part of a Reckoning, to answer, Cui Bono? that is, What good would it have been for me (Says he) to have done this willingly? When as he should rather have asked, Cui Malo? that is, To whom he might work a mischief hereby;
And yet the poore man thinketh to be excused by the littlenesse of the superiour letters ( r. and t. ) who notwithstanding was himselfe so Eagle-eyed, in discerning in verò, and verè, the two little vowels, ò, and è. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning, concerning CALVINES NONLATINALPHABET
And yet the poor man Thinketh to be excused by the littleness of the superior letters (r. and tO.) who notwithstanding was himself so Eagle-eyed, in discerning in verò, and verè, the two little vowels, ò, and è. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning, Concerning CALVINES
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BVt now for the thing it selfe, albeit Bellarmine in the place here quoted doe shew, that, according to the Exposition of Josias Simlerus a Caluinist, the words of John Caluine, in a certaine sense may haue a true meaning,
But now for the thing it self, albeit Bellarmine in the place Here quoted doe show, that, according to the Exposition of Josiah Simlerus a Calvinist, the words of John Calvin, in a certain sense may have a true meaning,
I doe thinke without doubt, that Caluine did erre in his maner of speech. (A little after the relation of the sentence of the Booke) Whereby it appeareth that Bellarmine, neither is contrarie to himselfe,
I do think without doubt, that Calvin did err in his manner of speech. (A little After the Relation of the sentence of the Book) Whereby it appears that Bellarmine, neither is contrary to himself,
and to bee auoided, though in some strained sense it may passe. The Reuiewe. 24. Heresie (as Mr. Parson knoweth) consisteth not in words, but in sense:
and to be avoided, though in Some strained sense it may pass. The Reuiewe. 24. Heresy (as Mr. Parson Knoweth) Consisteth not in words, but in sense:
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Now where I produced Romish Authors, condemning the foresaid sentence of Caluine (concerning NONLATINALPHABET) iudging the sense thereof Hereticall, &c. and opposed Bellarmine against them, iustifying the sense of Caluine as Catholicke:
Now where I produced Romish Authors, condemning the foresaid sentence of Calvin (Concerning) judging the sense thereof Heretical, etc. and opposed Bellarmine against them, justifying the sense of Calvin as Catholic:
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First Campian, calling the Doctrine of Caluine portentum: Next, their Rhemish Translatours, calling it Blasphemie: After Posseuinus, calling it Atheisme: Then Stapleton, calling it a wicked Heresie, which Feuardentius (saith hee) doth not ably refute. And can these agree with the iudgement of Cardinall Bellarmine, who iustifieth the sense of Caluine to be Catholicke? And for M. Parsons his further conuiction, I shall desire my Reader but onely to heare the words of Bellarmine himselfe in the place alleadged. Genebrard ( saith hee ) and Lindanus,
First Campian, calling the Doctrine of Calvin portentum: Next, their Rhemish Translators, calling it Blasphemy: After Possevin, calling it Atheism: Then Stapleton, calling it a wicked Heresy, which Feuardentius (Says he) does not ably refute. And can these agree with the judgement of Cardinal Bellarmine, who Justifieth the sense of Calvin to be Catholic? And for M. Parsons his further conviction, I shall desire my Reader but only to hear the words of Bellarmine himself in the place alleged. Genebrard (Says he) and Lindanus,
Neuethelesse, when I doe examine the matter ( saith Bellarmine) and doe diligently ponder the sentence of Caluine, I dare not pronounce that he was in this errour.
Neuethelesse, when I do examine the matter (Says Bellarmine) and do diligently ponder the sentence of Calvin, I Dare not pronounce that he was in this error.
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for which Bellarmine saith, that hee himselfe durst not condemne Caluine? How then could M. Parsons say truely, that these writers doe agree? Herein hee offereth no small iniurie vnto Bellarmine, whom whilst he would reconcile vnto others, he maketh to be an Aduersarie to himselfe,
for which Bellarmine Says, that he himself durst not condemn Calvin? How then could M. Parsons say truly, that these writers do agree? Herein he Offereth no small injury unto Bellarmine, whom while he would reconcile unto Others, he makes to be an Adversary to himself,
The sentence of Caluine concerning NONLATINALPHABET is explained and defended. But especially hee wrongeth his owne conscience, by an inexcuseable falshood. SECT. VII. The seuenth Charge.
The sentence of Calvin Concerning is explained and defended. But especially he wrongeth his own conscience, by an inexcusable falsehood. SECT. VII. The Seventh Charge.
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27. M. Parsons in his Mitigation brought me in as Confessing, in effect, all that my Aduersarie the moderate Answerer had obiected against Protestants:
27. M. Parsons in his Mitigation brought me in as Confessing, in Effect, all that my Adversary the moderate Answerer had objected against Protestants:
when as contrariwise there was scarce any thing obiected (excepting the aboue named examples of Goodman, Knox, Buchanan, and Muntzer, ) which I did not particularly consute.
when as contrariwise there was scarce any thing objected (excepting thee above nam Examples of Goodman, Knox, Buchanan, and Muntzer,) which I did not particularly consute.
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These and almost euery particular instance I then prosecuted, oftentimes by the confessions of their owne Doctors, whom M. Parsons in his Answere durst not so much as touch by any mention.
These and almost every particular instance I then prosecuted, oftentimes by the confessions of their own Doctors, whom M. Parsons in his Answer durst not so much as touch by any mention.
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ALthough he vsed all possible Art that hee could to answere, yet are his Answers such, where hee doeth answere (for to sundry chiefe points he saith nothing at all) as doe easily shew that in substance he confesseth all,
ALthough he used all possible Art that he could to answer, yet Are his Answers such, where he doth answer (for to sundry chief points he Says nothing At all) as doe Easily show that in substance he Confesses all,
And in proofe hereof, I spend a dozen leaues at least, in refuting all his Answers, proouing that they yeeld not a full, but a faint satisfaction. The Reueiwe.
And in proof hereof, I spend a dozen leaves At least, in refuting all his Answers, proving that they yield not a full, but a faint satisfaction. The Reueiwe.
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But I appeale vnto any Reader vnderstanding English to iudge hereof, what I haue done in confutation of the moderate Answerer, the particular instances there obiected doe fully manifest, which concerned either England, Fraunce, Geneua, Germanie, yea,
But I appeal unto any Reader understanding English to judge hereof, what I have done in confutation of the moderate Answerer, the particular instances there objected do Fully manifest, which concerned either England, France, Geneva, Germany, yea,
or the losse of Rhodes, and part of Hungarie, which (according to the report of their owne Histories) befell thorow the couctousnesse of Pope Adrian. Secondly, what Mr. Parsons hath not Answered in his Dozen leaues of his Mitigation, vnto the second part of the Full satisfaction, consisting of twelue Chapters, will be as euident:
or the loss of Rhodes, and part of Hungary, which (according to the report of their own Histories) befell thorough the couctousnesse of Pope Adrian. Secondly, what Mr. Parsons hath not Answered in his Dozen leaves of his Mitigation, unto the second part of the Full satisfaction, consisting of twelue Chapters, will be as evident:
29. First the generall Doctrine of Protestants, by (as Bellarmine confesseth) expounding the place of Saint Paul, Rom. 13. to signifie that the Pope, and all Ecclesiasticall persons, ought to bee subiect vnto Princes.
29. First the general Doctrine of Protestants, by (as Bellarmine Confesses) expounding the place of Saint Paul, Rom. 13. to signify that the Pope, and all Ecclesiastical Persons, ought to be Subject unto Princes.
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Thirdly, the expresse Doctrine of Caluine, and of Beza, aduancing the Authoritie of Kings. Fourthly, the iustifying of the Protestants in France, from the testimonies of Romish Historians.
Thirdly, the express Doctrine of Calvin, and of Beza, advancing the authority of Kings. Fourthly, the justifying of the Protestants in France, from the testimonies of Romish Historians.
Fiftly, (to omit some other proofes) acquitting Luther, by his owne expresse Doctrine, and by other euidences, confuting the slarders, which the moderate Answere cast vpon him, which M. Parsons nimbly skipped ouer, in fauour of his shinnes;
Fifty, (to omit Some other proofs) acquitting Luther, by his own express Doctrine, and by other evidences, confuting the slarders, which the moderate Answer cast upon him, which M. Parsons nimbly skipped over, in favour of his shins;
In the meane time we may reckon this his last Assertion, in the number of his grauida mendacia, because this one falshood is big with many other falshoods in the belly thereof. SECT. VIII.
In the mean time we may reckon this his last Assertion, in the number of his grauida Lies, Because this one falsehood is big with many other falsehoods in the belly thereof. SECT. VIII.
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30. I Was accused by M. Parsons, to haue dissembled the practises of Caluine and Beza, which were obiected by the moderate Answerer, and to haue vsed this Interrogation, [ Haue you any thing to say to their practise? ] in an hypocriticall dissemblance, as though nothing had beene obiected against them, to the end that I might passe them ouer, and answere nothing at all:
30. I Was accused by M. Parsons, to have dissembled the practises of Calvin and Beza, which were objected by the moderate Answerer, and to have used this Interrogation, [ Have you any thing to say to their practice? ] in an hypocritical dissemblance, as though nothing had been objected against them, to the end that I might pass them over, and answer nothing At all:
to the end that I might more emphatically and effectually, both note and confute the obiections against Caluine and Beza, which immediately I also performed.
to the end that I might more emphatically and effectually, both note and confute the objections against Calvin and Beza, which immediately I also performed.
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Therefore M. Parsons in accusing me of Dissimulation and hypocrisie, did me no litle iniurie, and now commeth halting in with a strange maner of Reckoning.
Therefore M. Parsons in accusing me of Dissimulation and hypocrisy, did me no little injury, and now comes halting in with a strange manner of Reckoning.
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True it is, he endeauoureth both before and after to Answere vnto diuers proofes of seditious practises, obiected by his Aduersaries against Caluine and Beza. The Reueiwe.
True it is, he endeavoureth both before and After to Answer unto diverse proofs of seditious practises, objected by his Adversaries against Calvin and Beza. The Reueiwe.
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He confesseth now that in that place I Endeauored both before and after, to Answere vnto the seditious practises obiected aagainst Caluine and Beza, and yet accused me in his Mitigation, for concealing the whole matter, rating and reuyling me,
He Confesses now that in that place I Endeavoured both before and After, to Answer unto the seditious practises objected against Calvin and Beza, and yet accused me in his Mitigation, for concealing the Whole matter, rating and reuyling me,
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But why? for concealing and dissembling forsooth such obiections against Caluine and Beza, which now, vpon better consideration, he confesseth I did not dissemble,
But why? for concealing and dissembling forsooth such objections against Calvin and Beza, which now, upon better consideration, he Confesses I did not dissemble,
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after that hee had beene charged with egregious impudencie, by his false imputation of Hypocrisie & Dissimulation, and being at length ashamed of his owne discouered nakednesse,
After that he had been charged with egregious impudency, by his false imputation of Hypocrisy & Dissimulation, and being At length ashamed of his own discovered nakedness,
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and although hee cannot but yeeld, yet will he seeme so to yeeld, as onely vpon an Intreatie, forsooth, which indeede he doth vpon a Charge and Challenge; and to be onely content to doe that, which he doth by constraint;
and although he cannot but yield, yet will he seem so to yield, as only upon an Intreaty, forsooth, which indeed he does upon a Charge and Challenge; and to be only content to do that, which he does by constraint;
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then is this Character of a smooth and subtile Reckoner, which is exemplified in this confession of M. Parsons, who so acknowledgeth his most manifest errour,
then is this Character of a smooth and subtle Reckoner, which is exemplified in this Confessi of M. Parsons, who so acknowledgeth his most manifest error,
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which doubtlesse (if he had bin then truely Sober) he could not haue vnderstood otherwise, as may be made euident by a like example of a Lawyer pleading in this manner:
which doubtless (if he had been then truly Sobrium) he could not have understood otherwise, as may be made evident by a like Exampl of a Lawyer pleading in this manner:
I haue answered vnto all that you can challenge by vertue of Bils, what haue you to say to the Bonds? The Bonds, you say, were made vpon due considerations, and before diuers competent witnesses:
I have answered unto all that you can challenge by virtue of Bills, what have you to say to the Bonds? The Bonds, you say, were made upon due considerations, and before diverse competent Witnesses:
whereunto I answere, that the considerations are vnlawfull, and the witnesses are insufficient, and (that which will discouer the inualidity of the Bonds most) they are razed and interlined.
whereunto I answer, that the considerations Are unlawful, and the Witnesses Are insufficient, and (that which will discover the invalidity of the Bonds most) they Are razed and interlined.
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Did we not alleage that there were faire instruments, that there were due considerations, that there were sufficient witnesses, &c. What a notorious dissimulation and Hypocrisie was it then in him, to conceale our alleadgements? Or how can your Lordship suffer such a one to pleade in your presence? His Aduersary standeth vp, and replieth, saying, Your Lordship seeth the impudencie of this fellow,
Did we not allege that there were fair Instruments, that there were due considerations, that there were sufficient Witnesses, etc. What a notorious dissimulation and Hypocrisy was it then in him, to conceal our alleadgements? Or how can your Lordship suffer such a one to plead in your presence? His Adversary Stands up, and Replieth, saying, Your Lordship sees the impudency of this fellow,
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Would not such a protestation, ioyned with such a confession, mooue eyther laughter or indignation? Such is the case betweene me and M. Parsons in euery degree,
Would not such a protestation, joined with such a Confessi, move either laughter or Indignation? Such is the case between me and M. Parsons in every degree,
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35. WHereas I related onely Holinshed, to proue that there was not any Scruple of Religion obiected " against Wyat in the Oration of Q. Mary: M. Parsons, to prooue me a falsificator, leauing the Authour Holinshed, put " in his place M. Foxe, and concludeth against me, that The Minister lieth openly. He now bestirreth himselfe in this case.
35. WHereas I related only Holinshed, to prove that there was not any Scruple of Religion objected " against Wyat in the Oration of Q. Marry: M. Parsons, to prove me a falsificator, leaving the Author Holinshed, put " in his place M. Fox, and Concludeth against me, that The Minister lies openly. He now bestirreth himself in this case.
THough the History of Holinshed doth relate the pretence of Wiat to haue been against the Queenes marriage, concealing and dissembling the point of Religion in that place (which else-where he confesseth,
THough the History of Holinshed does relate the pretence of Wiat to have been against the Queens marriage, concealing and dissembling the point of Religion in that place (which elsewhere he Confesses,
as after shall be seene) yet John Foxe, a more auncient and authenticall Historiographer then he, doth plainely set downe, that together with the pretence of marriage, the cause of Religion was also pretended, &c. And it cannot be presumed,
as After shall be seen) yet John Fox, a more ancient and authentical Historiographer then he, does plainly Set down, that together with the pretence of marriage, the cause of Religion was also pretended, etc. And it cannot be presumed,
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but that M. Morton had seene and read this, yet durst affirme, that there was no mention of Religion at all in Wiats pretence: Which is the first lie. The Reueiwe.
but that M. Mortonum had seen and read this, yet durst affirm, that there was no mention of Religion At all in Wiats pretence: Which is the First lie. The Reueiwe.
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36. Doe you see the falshood of this Reckoner? he is charged to haue put vpon me the testimony of M. Fox, as though I had cyted it contrary to his meaning, which I did not indeed so much as mention:
36. Do you see the falsehood of this Reckoner? he is charged to have put upon me the testimony of M. Fox, as though I had cited it contrary to his meaning, which I did not indeed so much as mention:
And now at length perceiuing his own fraude to be laid open, whereunto hee cannot answere one word, he doth onely endeuour to bring me into his owne predicament of falsifying by another tricke,
And now At length perceiving his own fraud to be laid open, whereunto he cannot answer one word, he does only endeavour to bring me into his own predicament of falsifying by Another trick,
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AND the same M. Foxe also sheweth, that in the Oration of Q. Mary, that their pretence of mariage seemed to be but a Spanish Cloake, to couer their pretended purpose against Religion.
AND the same M. Fox also shows, that in the Oration of Q. Marry, that their pretence of marriage seemed to be but a Spanish Cloak, to cover their pretended purpose against Religion.
37. Holinshed is a professed Historian, and writ a large and determinate Storie of all memorable things, which were done in the daies of Q. Mary, and other Kings of England after her raigne:
37. Holinshed is a professed Historian, and writ a large and determinate Story of all memorable things, which were done in the days of Q. Marry, and other Kings of England After her Reign:
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but the subiect and matter of the Actes and Monuments written by M. Foxe, is the passions and Martyrdomes of the faithful, both of ancient and latter times, not only in England, but also in other Countries;
but the Subject and matter of the Acts and Monuments written by M. Fox, is the passion and Martyrdoms of the faithful, both of ancient and latter times, not only in England, but also in other Countries;
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Wherefore it is as great indiscretion in M. Parsons to challenge me to neglect Holinshed, and in a point of History to take my Certificate from M. Foxe, whom then I had not;
Wherefore it is as great indiscretion in M. Parsons to challenge me to neglect Holinshed, and in a point of History to take my Certificate from M. Fox, whom then I had not;
and cautelously set downe, for it being notorious that al Protestants in England did concur in the rebellion of the D. of Northumberland, who can doubt but that in the second also of Wiat they had their hearts there,
and cautelously Set down, for it being notorious that all Protestants in England did concur in the rebellion of the D. of Northumberland, who can doubt but that in the second also of Wiat they had their hearts there,
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38. In the Full Satisfaction you haue bin answered, concerning Mr. Cranmer, Ridley, and others, that they could not be challenged of any crime of treason, where of you might not aswell make the State parties, which accorded vnto the testament of K. Edward 6. in the behalfe of Lady Iane, as their owne Historian Thuanus doth report:
38. In the Full Satisfaction you have been answered, Concerning Mr. Cranmer, Ridley, and Others, that they could not be challenged of any crime of treason, where of you might not aswell make the State parties, which accorded unto the Testament of K. Edward 6. in the behalf of Lady Iane, as their own Historian Thuanus does report:
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what better reason can there be for their discharge, then is this confession, to wit, that they were not called in question of Treason in the dayes of Q. Mary? As for the Answere made by Saunders, it is nothing but his vnseasonable figment:
what better reason can there be for their discharge, then is this Confessi, to wit, that they were not called in question of Treason in the days of Q. Marry? As for the Answer made by Sanders, it is nothing but his unseasonable figment:
For where was it euer heard, that any State put a man to death for heresie, whom they might cut off for treason? For although heresie be a more heynous crime,
For where was it ever herd, that any State put a man to death for heresy, whom they might Cut off for treason? For although heresy be a more heinous crime,
Finally, common wit and vnderstanding of a man will teach him, that whosoeuer is both guilty of heresie and Treason, he should be accused and conuicted of them both, that by the heynousnesse of his Treason, his Heresie might seeme more odious.
Finally, Common wit and understanding of a man will teach him, that whosoever is both guilty of heresy and Treason, he should be accused and convicted of them both, that by the heinousness of his Treason, his Heresy might seem more odious.
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39. He furthermore addeth, that he hath since Tooke the paines to search Holinshed more diligently, and hath found that he doth more expresly affirme, that the Commons and many of the Nobility conspired to raise warre both for the marriage,
39. He furthermore adds, that he hath since Took the pains to search Holinshed more diligently, and hath found that he does more expressly affirm, that the Commons and many of the Nobilt conspired to raise war both for the marriage,
which I had lesse cause to inquire into, seeing that in the large Oration of Q. Mary against Sir Thomas Wiat, reported by Holinshed, there is no such scruple, concerning Religion, to be found, which is al that I vndertooke then to auouch.
which I had less cause to inquire into, seeing that in the large Oration of Q. Marry against Sir Thomas Wiat, reported by Holinshed, there is no such scruple, Concerning Religion, to be found, which is all that I undertook then to avouch.
but of so small moment, and so fully answered, and confuted before, as it is euident he seeketh but some shewe of number to helpe himselfe for some ostentation. The Reueiwe.
but of so small moment, and so Fully answered, and confuted before, as it is evident he seeks but Some show of number to help himself for Some ostentation. The Reueiwe.
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For this present we are now to recal those charges, which you haue handled in your first Chapter, which I promised (for one more orderly paslage) to reduce vnto their proper places,
For this present we Are now to Recall those charges, which you have handled in your First Chapter, which I promised (for one more orderly paslage) to reduce unto their proper places,
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and therefore I now begin with the Answere vnto the next charge. SECT. X. The tenth charge, concerning the text of Esay 29. 41. I Set downe for the poësie of my Preamble, the text of Esay, 29. 9. Ye are blinde, and make others blinde.
and Therefore I now begin with the Answer unto the next charge. SECT. X. The tenth charge, Concerning the text of Isaiah 29. 41. I Set down for the poësie of my Preamble, the text of Isaiah, 29. 9. You Are blind, and make Others blind.
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I Doe not say that hee hath forged a Text, but that the sentence of his Poësie against Catholickes, pretended to be taken out of this place of Esay, 29. 9. is falsly alleadged, corrupted and mangled, the same not being found there eyther in wordes or sense.
I Do not say that he hath forged a Text, but that the sentence of his Poësie against Catholics, pretended to be taken out of this place of Isaiah, 29. 9. is falsely alleged, corrupted and mangled, the same not being found there either in words or sense.
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42. What call you forgerie M. Parsons? Is not the corrupting of a Writ, so that it be not the same eyther in word or sense, plaine forgery? or can there be any greater then is the corruption of holy writte? Therefore the action which you laid, is an action of forgerie. But whom did you note to be the corrupter? your owne wordes are these:
42. What call you forgery M. Parsons? Is not the corrupting of a Writ, so that it be not the same either in word or sense, plain forgery? or can there be any greater then is the corruption of holy written? Therefore the actium which you laid, is an actium of forgery. But whom did you note to be the corrupter? your own words Are these:
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I cannot well pretermit, for ending of this Chapter, one little note more of rare singularity in this man (namely, T. M. ) aboue others, which I scarce euer haue obserued in any one of his fellowes,
I cannot well pretermit, for ending of this Chapter, one little note more of rare singularity in this man (namely, T. M.) above Others, which I scarce ever have observed in any one of his Fellows,
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But this is sufficient to shew, that I haue been thus bedawbed with his vile and false imputations of rare singularity aboue all my fellowes, and that for falsifying and corrupting a Text of Scripture:
But this is sufficient to show, that I have been thus bedaubed with his vile and false imputations of rare singularity above all my Fellows, and that for falsifying and corrupting a Text of Scripture:
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for alleadging this translation of the Text, which standeth so in our English Bible, common vnto me, with all my fellowes. This last point calleth for a better Reckoning. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
for alleging this Translation of the Text, which Stands so in our English bible, Common unto me, with all my Fellows. This last point calls for a better Reckoning. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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43. Dooth this dealing agree with that propertie of an honest man, whom you would seeme to be, Not to looke the common English translation, which might haue freed mee from the slaunder of so rare singularity in corrupting a Text, if yet there had beene in it any corruption? As this doth but a litle lessen your fraud,
43. Doth this dealing agree with that property of an honest man, whom you would seem to be, Not to look the Common English Translation, which might have freed me from the slander of so rare singularity in corrupting a Text, if yet there had been in it any corruption? As this does but a little lessen your fraud,
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44. Belike M. Parsons being angric with himselfe, for his former boldenesse with the Hebrew Text, meant now to redouble his owne disgrace vpon himselfe, by saying that Pagnine, Vat ablus, and others (who follow the Hebrew) haue not anything agreeable to our English Translation, [ Ye are blinde and make men blinde, ] eyther in word or sense. For he could not but remember, that I alleadged,
44. Belike M. Parsons being angric with himself, for his former boldness with the Hebrew Text, meant now to redouble his own disgrace upon himself, by saying that Pagnine, What ablus, and Others (who follow the Hebrew) have not anything agreeable to our English translation, [ You Are blind and make men blind, ] either in word or sense. For he could not but Remember, that I alleged,
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Be ye astonished and wonder, Oblinite vobismetipsis oculos, that is, Daube vp your eyes. And in his Annotations vpon the same wordes, he paraphraseth thus;
Be you astonished and wonder, Oblinite vobismetipsis Eyes, that is, Daub up your eyes. And in his Annotations upon the same words, he Paraphraseth thus;
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So that (for we are to deale only with the Hebrew text, which differeth not in sense eyther from the Greeke or Latinc) our English is hereby sufficiently confirmed.
So that (for we Are to deal only with the Hebrew text, which differeth not in sense either from the Greek or Latinc) our English is hereby sufficiently confirmed.
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And thus our Conscionable Reckoner forsooth, who would seeme not to bee guilty of Three falshoods thoroughout all his books, is often displaid to be guilty of Three in one Section. SECT. XI. The eleauenth Charge, concerning Carerius.
And thus our Conscionable Reckoner forsooth, who would seem not to be guilty of Three falsehoods throughout all his books, is often displayed to be guilty of Three in one Section. SECT. XI. The eleauenth Charge, Concerning Carerius.
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nor will I doe him that iniurie as to doubt thereof, especially for so much as he saith that hee hath shewed the same to many friends of his, naming also the yeere and forme in which it was Printed, all which being granted,
nor will I do him that injury as to doubt thereof, especially for so much as he Says that he hath showed the same to many Friends of his, naming also the year and Form in which it was Printed, all which being granted,
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and became ashamed of his former rash presumption, to say so omnisciently that, There is but one Edition of Carerius, and thereupon hath hee beene mooued to vse more sobrietie in censuring of Titles and tearmes.
and became ashamed of his former rash presumption, to say so omnisciently that, There is but one Edition of Carerius, and thereupon hath he been moved to use more sobriety in censuring of Titles and terms.
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BVt now for the second point obiected of verè, for verò, though M. Morton doe alleadge in like maner for his excuse, the authoritie or rather the errour of his Colen Edition,
But now for the second point objected of verè, for verò, though M. Mortonum do allege in like manner for his excuse, the Authority or rather the error of his Colen Edition,
yet cannot hee so easily discharge himselfe thereof, for that the very contexture of speech must needes argue to his conscience, that it should be verò and not vere, for that otherwise their should haue beene no apt sense,
yet cannot he so Easily discharge himself thereof, for that the very contexture of speech must needs argue to his conscience, that it should be verò and not vere, for that otherwise their should have been no apt sense,
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The great letter C. also in the beginning of Celsus (if this bee not in like maner altered in M. Mortons Edition from the originall) must needes haue shewed vnto him, that it was no Nowne Adiectiue,
The great Letter C. also in the beginning of Celsus (if this be not in like manner altered in M. Mortons Edition from the original) must needs have showed unto him, that it was no Noun Adjective,
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48. Good M. Parsons, if I should say I were ashamed of your ignorance, you would say that I spake it in choler: Therefore I will but onely propound vnto you your errour,
48. Good M. Parsons, if I should say I were ashamed of your ignorance, you would say that I spoke it in choler: Therefore I will but only propound unto you your error,
and also signifie some propertie and qualitie agreeable vnto that name, but it may be vsed both Substantiuely and Adiectiuely with verè, as Celsus was, which was the proper name of Mancinus, and Adiectiuely signifieth Loftie.
and also signify Some property and quality agreeable unto that name, but it may be used both Substantively and Adjectively with verè, as Celsus was, which was the proper name of Mancinus, and Adjectively signifies Lofty.
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If I should say of your Pope Pius Secundus, iam audiamus Pontificem verè Pium, would you say that I had offended against my Grammer? Nay, is not euery such citation a singular elegancie of speech? Lend your eare (amongst infinite examples of this kind) to your owne Doctor Barkley, who speaking of S. Ambrose, saith;
If I should say of your Pope Pius Secundus, iam Let us hear Pontifex verè Pium, would you say that I had offended against my Grammar? Nay, is not every such Citante a singular elegancy of speech? Lend your ear (among infinite Examples of this kind) to your own Doctor Barkley, who speaking of S. Ambrose, Says;
O that Prelate, truely Ambrose, from whose writings and workes, as out of an holy Store-house, we may take the sweete Ambrosia of Euangelicall trueth, so he.
Oh that Prelate, truly Ambrose, from whose writings and works, as out of an holy Storehouse, we may take the sweet Ambrosia of Evangelical truth, so he.
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M. Parsons, I thinke, will not compare with Barkley in Grammer learning, and though he should, it would bee but according to the prouerbe, Sus Mineruam. This word, Iacob, which signifieth a supplanter, was the proper name of a Patriarke, the yonger Sonne of Isaac, vnto whom his brother Esau spake, saying:
M. Parsons, I think, will not compare with Barkley in Grammer learning, and though he should, it would be but according to the proverb, Sus Mineruam. This word, Iacob, which signifies a supplanter, was the proper name of a Patriarch, the younger Son of Isaac, unto whom his brother Esau spoke, saying:
if Esau had said vnto him, behold one truely Iacob, would M. Parsons his learning, licence him to condemne that speech of incongruitie? Although I haue M. Parsons now at this aduantage,
if Esau had said unto him, behold one truly Iacob, would M. Parsons his learning, licence him to condemn that speech of incongruity? Although I have M. Parsons now At this advantage,
50. THe inquirie is, whether Doleman, alias Parsons held it to be a damnable sinne for any of his Catholicks to suffer any Protestant Prince to succeede in the Crowne.
50. THe inquiry is, whither Doleman, alias Parsons held it to be a damnable sin for any of his Catholics to suffer any Protestant Prince to succeed in the Crown.
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Is there any word peculiar of a Protestant Prince, or of his successor? Nay, doth not the text speake plainely of making a King where none is, &c. How then can this malicious cauelling Minister, &c. This you spake in your lesse temperate moode:
Is there any word peculiar of a Protestant Prince, or of his successor? Nay, does not the text speak plainly of making a King where none is, etc. How then can this malicious cavilling Minister, etc. This you spoke in your less temperate mood:
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after the decease of Queene ELIZABETH, where you spake expresly of an Heire apparant, and in particular and by name tooke exception against our now Gracious Soueraigne King IAMES, to debarre him from the inheritance of Great Brittaine: I must expect of you a more solemne account. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
After the decease of Queen ELIZABETH, where you spoke expressly of an Heir apparent, and in particular and by name took exception against our now Gracious Sovereign King JAMES, to debar him from the inheritance of Great Britain: I must expect of you a more solemn account. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Now hee is brought to confesse that hee vnderstood it (although lesse Principally ) of Succession also. Which I confesse is a more Sober Reckoning. Now yet wheras there is as good a right for an heire to succeed in the Crowne,
Now he is brought to confess that he understood it (although less Principally) of Succession also. Which I confess is a more Sobrium Reckoning. Now yet whereas there is as good a right for an heir to succeed in the Crown,
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as there is for a King to possesse it, M. Parsons reason of not making or admitting the right heire apparant (who, by the lawes of England, is King immediatly after his Predecessor hath yeelded vp his last breath) did necessarily inferre, that he meant indeed by not making to marre a King, which I prooued by a Syllcgisme, which did sufficiently manifest his meaning. viz.
as there is for a King to possess it, M. Parsons reason of not making or admitting the right heir apparent (who, by the laws of England, is King immediately After his Predecessor hath yielded up his last breath) did necessarily infer, that he meant indeed by not making to mar a King, which I proved by a Syllcgisme, which did sufficiently manifest his meaning. viz.
ALl this Syllogisme, I say, is as well verified of Protestants as Catholickes, and consequently the force of this Argument, concludeth nothing at all against vs, more then against himselfe and his.
ALl this Syllogism, I say, is as well verified of Protestants as Catholics, and consequently the force of this Argument, Concludeth nothing At all against us, more then against himself and his.
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for that otherwise we must say that Protestants haue no Conscience concerning Religion, if they will aduance wittingly any one, that will in their opinion destroy the same.
for that otherwise we must say that Protestants have no Conscience Concerning Religion, if they will advance wittingly any one, that will in their opinion destroy the same.
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for their Dolman (alias Mr. Parsons ) himselfe, being of the Romane Religion, did professe it to bee a damnabē sinne to admit of King Iames, and so of other Protestant Princes, notwithstanding the right of their inheritance, to succeed in the Crowne, which is all that I haue affirmed of Dolman, for the which notwithstanding he hath made so lowde and a lewde clamor, saying How is this fellow to be trusted in these his Assertions, &c. But yet now graunteth in effect my former Assertion.
for their Dolman (alias Mr. Parsons) himself, being of the Roman Religion, did profess it to be a damnaben sin to admit of King James, and so of other Protestant Princes, notwithstanding the right of their inheritance, to succeed in the Crown, which is all that I have affirmed of Dolman, for the which notwithstanding he hath made so loud and a lewd clamor, saying How is this fellow to be trusted in these his Assertions, etc. But yet now granteth in Effect my former Assertion.
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but religion it selfe teacheth vs that in admitting a Successor, (who according to the lawes of that Kingdome hath a right vnto the Crown) the libertie of election ceaseth,
but Religion it self Teaches us that in admitting a Successor, (who according to the laws of that Kingdom hath a right unto the Crown) the liberty of election ceases,
And this difference of comparison, betweene Protestants and Romanistes, will continue vntill the Romanistes haue taken out this Lesson of Primitiue and Catholicke Doctrine, to witte;
And this difference of comparison, between Protestants and Romanists, will continue until the Romanists have taken out this lesson of Primitive and Catholic Doctrine, to wit;
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Diuersitie of Religion doth not change the naturall right of Inheritance, which Rule preuailed in the mostpure times, (as Barkley their owne Doctor prooneth) euen when Christians were winnowed and purged with persecution, at what time the Apostle exhorted them, saying, Let euery Soule be Subiect vnto the higher powers.
Diversity of Religion does not change the natural right of Inheritance, which Rule prevailed in the mostpure times, (as Barkley their own Doctor prooneth) even when Christians were winnowed and purged with persecution, At what time the Apostle exhorted them, saying, Let every Soul be Subject unto the higher Powers.
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pag. 51. 〈 ◊ 〉 the Succession in all Protestant Princes, I alleadged contrarie examples in all the Protestant Princes, that euer succeeded in England since the beginning of the world, who are knowne to bee but three in number, King Edward, Queene Elizabeth, and King Iames, who were admitted both by Priests and Lay-men:
page. 51. 〈 ◊ 〉 the Succession in all Protestant Princes, I alleged contrary Examples in all the Protestant Princes, that ever succeeded in England since the beginning of the world, who Are known to be but three in number, King Edward, Queen Elizabeth, and King James, who were admitted both by Priests and Laymen:
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Ergo, all Priests doe not vtterly abolish all Succession, in all Protestant Princes, &c. And consequently, some moderation must be graunted on our side, against this odious exaggeration.
Ergo, all Priests do not utterly Abolah all Succession, in all Protestant Princes, etc. And consequently, Some moderation must be granted on our side, against this odious exaggeration.
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54. Is this an honest kind of Reckoning, to tell what you alleaged and to conceale what I replied? namely, that it is a sillie sophistrie for you, in a question of right, to oppose for your discharge only a matter of fact, which is no better reasoning then to say that certaine Robbers were honest and quiet Subiects,
54. Is this an honest kind of Reckoning, to tell what you alleged and to conceal what I replied? namely, that it is a silly sophistry for you, in a question of right, to oppose for your discharge only a matter of fact, which is no better reasoning then to say that certain Robbers were honest and quiet Subjects,
For you know M. Parsons, that your not resisting, where you want force, is done with that reseruation (as your Doctors haue taught) Vntiil there be sufficient firce to resist.
For you know M. Parsons, that your not resisting, where you want force, is done with that reservation (as your Doctors have taught) Vntiil there be sufficient fierce to resist.
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Otherwise tell me, I pray you, when you obiect that three Protestant Princes were admitted peaceably, How is it (which you could not denie) that Henry King of Nauarre was resisted,
Otherwise tell me, I pray you, when you Object that three Protestant Princes were admitted peaceably, How is it (which you could not deny) that Henry King of Navarre was resisted,
lest that comming to the Crowne of France in that disposition, wherein he was presumed to bee, (namely a Protestant) hee should attempt the change of Religion in that great Kingdome? Here the case of Religion (we see) was the same in K. Edward of England,
lest that coming to the Crown of France in that disposition, wherein he was presumed to be, (namely a Protestant) he should attempt the change of Religion in that great Kingdom? Here the case of Religion (we see) was the same in K. Edward of England,
Can you imagine any other reason of this difference, but the hauing and not hauing of Power to resist? Therefore in this Reckoning you haue beene wisely craftie, by concealing an Obiection, which you could not satisfie.
Can you imagine any other reason of this difference, but the having and not having of Power to resist? Therefore in this Reckoning you have been wisely crafty, by concealing an Objection, which you could not satisfy.
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or no? If they were admitted voluntarily, then (by your owne former Doctrine, M. Parsons ) all your Catholickes were damnable sinners, who admitted any to the Crowne, whom they thought to be of a faultie Religion:
or no? If they were admitted voluntarily, then (by your own former Doctrine, M. Parsons) all your Catholics were damnable Sinners, who admitted any to the Crown, whom they Thought to be of a faulty Religion:
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WHerefore to come to knit vp this Reckoning briefely with M. Morton, we see first that he hath not beene able exactly to verifie any one of his two former propositions out of his owne Syllogisme, concerning Dolemans Assertion,
Wherefore to come to knit up this Reckoning briefly with M. Mortonum, we see First that he hath not been able exactly to verify any one of his two former propositions out of his own Syllogism, Concerning Dolemans Assertion,
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but that he hath vsed exaggeration and calumniation in them both, and that whatsoeuer he hath vrged neuer so boldly to incite his Maiestie against vs, may with much more reason and force of argument, bee retorted against himselfe and his.
but that he hath used exaggeration and calumniation in them both, and that whatsoever he hath urged never so boldly to incite his Majesty against us, may with much more reason and force of argument, be retorted against himself and his.
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56. I haue bin earnestly and sharply censured by M. Parsons as one false, calumnious, and malicious, because I noted his booke, which he named Dolman, to be a Treatise, very seditious and rebellious,
56. I have been earnestly and sharply censured by M. Parsons as one false, calumnious, and malicious, Because I noted his book, which he nam Dolman, to be a Treatise, very seditious and rebellious,
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and (as though he, goodman, had meant nothing but well therein) he durst in his Mitigation pleade for his Dolman, and now againe forbeareth not to reuiue the iustification of that booke in this his newe Reckoning; Albeit he could not be ignorant of the iudgment, which one Romish Priest with the consent of many moe had passed vpon him:
and (as though he, goodman, had meant nothing but well therein) he durst in his Mitigation plead for his Dolman, and now again forbeareth not to revive the justification of that book in this his new Reckoning; Albeit he could not be ignorant of the judgement, which one Romish Priest with the consent of many more had passed upon him:
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Now that many exceptions are taken against it, hee (Goodman) was not the Author of it, his name is not Dolman, and gladly wold he shift and wash his hands of it,
Now that many exceptions Are taken against it, he (Goodman) was not the Author of it, his name is not Dolman, and gladly would he shift and wash his hands of it,
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as a man notably Seditious (euen in their booke called Dolman ) and a lying Equiuocator, may be thought to haue beene eyther in answering and quallifying of the obiected rebellious position, a iust Mitigator; or else in this booke a conscionable Reckoner in charging me with falshood. SECT. XIII.
as a man notably Seditious (even in their book called Dolman) and a lying Equivocator, may be Thought to have been either in answering and qualifying of the objected rebellious position, a just Mitigator; or Else in this book a conscionable Reckoner in charging me with falsehood. SECT. XIII.
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The thirteenth charge, against Mr. Parsons; concerning Pope Gregory 7. alias Hildebrand, the first Pope that deposed an Emperour, from the testimony of Otto Frisingensis.
The thirteenth charge, against Mr. Parsons; Concerning Pope Gregory 7. alias Hildebrand, the First Pope that deposed an Emperor, from the testimony of Otto Freisingensis.
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noteth me for the falsificator, whereas not I, but their owne Romish Doctor Tolossanus was the reporter of the testimony of Frisingensis. I would onely know whether it were not a malitious tricke in M. Parsons to charge me with the error (if yet it were an errour) of my Authour Tolossanus? The summe of Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning, in the discharge of himselfe.
notes me for the falsificator, whereas not I, but their own Romish Doctor Tolossanus was the reporter of the testimony of Freisingensis. I would only know whither it were not a malicious trick in M. Parsons to charge me with the error (if yet it were an error) of my Author Tolossanus? The sum of Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning, in the discharge of himself.
IN the English Text, which was written for the deceiuing of the Englishcommon reader, was nothing layd at al of Tolossan ', but thus in disgrace of Pope Gregory the seuenth. I reade and reade again (saith your Otto Prisingensis) and I finde that Pope Gregory the seuenth called Hildebrand in the yeare 1060. was the first Pope that euer depriued any Emperour of his Regiment.
IN the English Text, which was written for the deceiving of the Englishcommon reader, was nothing laid At all of Tolossan ', but thus in disgrace of Pope Gregory the Seventh. I read and read again (Says your Otto Prisingensis) and I find that Pope Gregory the Seventh called Hildebrand in the year 1060. was the First Pope that ever deprived any Emperor of his Regiment.
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but to say that the reported Authour Frisingensis was in the text, to deceiue the English Reader, and that Tolossanus the reporter was set downe in Latine in the margent:
but to say that the reported Author Freisingensis was in the text, to deceive the English Reader, and that Tolossanus the reporter was Set down in Latin in the margin:
for he vnderstood that these Latine wordes, which were set downe in the margent, viz. Vtrefert Tolossanus, do signifie (being Englished) As Tolossanus reporteth: so that the very childishnesse of this excuse of his false dealing, doth more fully bewray both his folly and falshood.
for he understood that these Latin words, which were Set down in the margin, viz. Vtrefert Tolossanus, do signify (being Englished) As Tolossanus Reporteth: so that the very childishness of this excuse of his false dealing, does more Fully bewray both his folly and falsehood.
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60. As for me, I could not thinke it necessary to seeke for Frisingensis, when I had at hand so good a Reporter, as is their owne Doctor Tolossanus: and yet when al is said, Frisingensis saith, that that Pope Gregory the seuenth was the first who eyther excommunicated or deposed an Emperour.
60. As for me, I could not think it necessary to seek for Freisingensis, when I had At hand so good a Reporter, as is their own Doctor Tolossanus: and yet when all is said, Freisingensis Says, that that Pope Gregory the Seventh was the First who either excommunicated or deposed an Emperor.
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61. In the second part I am chargeable to answere Mast. Parsons, who asketh, that seeing Tolossanus said that Gregory the seuenth was the first who excommunicated,
61. In the second part I am chargeable to answer Mast. Parsons, who asks, that seeing Tolossanus said that Gregory the Seventh was the First who excommunicated,
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and depriued an Emperour of his Regiment, why I alleadged the word Depriued onely, and left out Excommunicated? I readily answered that it was because the question ( Satisfact. 3. c. 11.) was onely concerning Emperours and kings, who had beene deposed from their gouernements by Popes,
and deprived an Emperor of his Regiment, why I alleged the word Deprived only, and left out Excommunicated? I readily answered that it was Because the question (Satisfact. 3. c. 11.) was only Concerning emperors and Kings, who had been deposed from their governments by Popes,
yet was it lawfull for me to intreat of Deposition, without mentioning any precedent Excommunication. For if being asked how many theeues were hanged at Tiburne the last weeke, I had truely answered fiue;
yet was it lawful for me to entreat of Deposition, without mentioning any precedent Excommunication. For if being asked how many thieves were hanged At Tiburn the last Week, I had truly answered fiue;
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forthwith some captious Constable should quarrell with me, saying, Yea Sir, dare you say so? will you tell vs that any were hanged, without mentioning that first they were condemned,
forthwith Some captious Constable should quarrel with me, saying, Yea Sir, Dare you say so? will you tell us that any were hanged, without mentioning that First they were condemned,
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for condemnation goeth before execution? Euen so childishly hath Mast. Parsons cauilled in earnest, who still holdeth on his pace. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
for condemnation Goes before execution? Eve so childishly hath Mast. Parsons caviled in earnest, who still holds on his pace. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
for so much as he is no member, nor hath any place, or part at all in the whole body, the head-ship being the chiefe part of all others? A Reuiew, discouering the rebellious humour of Mr. Parsons. 63. If Mastr.
for so much as he is no member, nor hath any place, or part At all in the Whole body, the headship being the chief part of all Others? A Reuiew, discovering the rebellious humour of Mr. Parsons. 63. If Mastr.
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No King, or Queene, or Prince, or Counsellour, or Iudge, or Magistrate, being excommunicate, may, by Mast. Parsons censure, haue any communion among Christians, but must be rooted out.
No King, or Queen, or Prince, or Counselor, or Judge, or Magistrate, being excommunicate, may, by Mast. Parsons censure, have any communion among Christians, but must be rooted out.
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Behold our Romish Mitigator! Behold our Sober Reckoner! Doth not this smell strongly of fire and Gun-powder, whensoeuer opportunity shal serue for the performance of such their exploits?
Behold our Romish Mitigator! Behold our Sobrium Reckoner! Does not this smell strongly of fire and Gunpowder, whensoever opportunity shall serve for the performance of such their exploits?
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because otherwise hee could not be ignorant, that their Arch-Priest M. Blackwell had answered that point to the full, shewing first out of Soto, from Medina, that Excommunication is not a priuation of any proper good, which the transgresser doth possesse,
Because otherwise he could not be ignorant, that their Arch-Priest M. Blackwell had answered that point to the full, showing First out of Soto, from Medina, that Excommunication is not a privation of any proper good, which the transgresser does possess,
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65. Secondly he alleadgeth Ludouicus Richeome, a Iesuite, saying that Excommunication is not thundred against Princes, that they should be remoued out of their Dominions,
65. Secondly he allegeth Ludovicus Riches, a Iesuite, saying that Excommunication is not thundered against Princes, that they should be removed out of their Dominions,
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Which, ( saith M. Bl.) is set down in the Canon law of an Epistle of Pope Vrbane, thus: Liquidò, &c. that is, It doth plainely appeare that Excommunication is one thing,
Which, (Says M. Blow) is Set down in the Canon law of an Epistle of Pope Urban, thus: Liquidò, etc. that is, It does plainly appear that Excommunication is one thing,
and eradication is another, for he which is excommunicate, as the Apostle saith, to this end is excommunicated, that his soule may bee saued in the day of the Lord,
and eradication is Another, for he which is excommunicate, as the Apostle Says, to this end is excommunicated, that his soul may be saved in the day of the Lord,
I demand then, was there no Magistracy acknowledged in Ethnickes, by Christians in the dayes of the Emperour Iulian the Apostata? or shall not Christian children or wiues acknowledge naturall duety vnto their Parents and husbands,
I demand then, was there no Magistracy acknowledged in Ethnics, by Christians in the days of the Emperor Iulian the Apostata? or shall not Christian children or wives acknowledge natural duty unto their Parents and Husbands,
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And this may briefly serue for an Answere vnto your irrelegious and rebellious demaund, which hath beene exactly confuted by your owne Doctors. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
And this may briefly serve for an Answer unto your irreligious and rebellious demand, which hath been exactly confuted by your own Doctors. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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ANd Tolossanus here alleadged by Mr. Morton produceth in another example both of Excommunication and of deposition aboue an hundred yeares before this of Frisingensis, saying, Anteà quidem Gregorius tertius &c. Before this, Gregory the third beeing made Pope vpon the yeare 759 did depriue Leo the third Emperour of Constantinople, both of his Empire,
ANd Tolossanus Here alleged by Mr. Mortonum Produceth in Another Exampl both of Excommunication and of deposition above an hundred Years before this of Freisingensis, saying, Anteà quidem Gregorius tertius etc. Before this, Gregory the third being made Pope upon the year 759 did deprive Leo the third Emperor of Constantinople, both of his Empire,
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And that Tolossanus in this saith truth, is testified also by Zonaras a Greeke Historiographer in the life of the said Emperour Leo Jsauricus. The Reueiwe.
And that Tolossanus in this Says truth, is testified also by Zonaras a Greek Historiographer in the life of the said Emperor Leo Jsauricus. The Reueiwe.
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68. Tolossanus in another booke reporteth this, and Zonaras testifieth this, Ergo, (by Mr. Parsons his consequence) it must be True: which argueth his owne inconsideration and rashnesse,
68. Tolossanus in Another book Reporteth this, and Zonaras Testifieth this, Ergo, (by Mr. Parsons his consequence) it must be True: which argue his own inconsideration and rashness,
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and secondly their witnesse Zonaras seemeth to their Baronius to be so insufficient, in reporting the behauiour of this Pope Gregory towards the Emperour Leo, that he reiecteth him as a man Ignorant of the affaires of the Latine Church;
and secondly their witness Zonaras seems to their Baronius to be so insufficient, in reporting the behaviour of this Pope Gregory towards the Emperor Leo, that he rejects him as a man Ignorant of the affairs of the Latin Church;
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69. THE last point, which is to be inquired into, is, whether the Authour Espencaeus did not accord vnto the same iudgement concerning Gregory the seuenth (who, to yeelde vnto M. Parsons computation, was Pope about the yeare 1066.) to thinke that he was the first Pope that did depose an Emperour.
69. THE last point, which is to be inquired into, is, whither the Author Espencaeus did not accord unto the same judgement Concerning Gregory the Seventh (who, to yield unto M. Parsons computation, was Pope about the year 1066.) to think that he was the First Pope that did depose an Emperor.
but related of him out of an angrie and paffionate Epistle, written by certaine Schismaticall Priests of Liege, that were commanded by Pope Paschalis to be chastised by Robert Earle of Flanders,
but related of him out of an angry and paffionate Epistle, written by certain Schismatical Priests of Liege, that were commanded by Pope Paschal to be chastised by Robert Earl of Flanders,
for their rebellious behauior, in the yeare 1102. which Priests, together with Henry the Schismaticall Bishopp, wrote a passionate inuectiue against this acte and Commission of Pope Paschalis, inueighing against Pope Hildebrand (who was not long before deceased) for the like cause, All which M. Morton concealeth,
for their rebellious behaviour, in the year 1102. which Priests, together with Henry the Schismatical Bishop, wrote a passionate invective against this act and Commission of Pope Paschal, inveighing against Pope Hildebrand (who was not long before deceased) for the like cause, All which M. Mortonum concealeth,
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if he read the booke and place by himselfe cyted, for that Espen. doth not onely in the beginning of his citation vse this sentence, Extat in secundo Tomo Conciliorum Edit. Colon.
if he read the book and place by himself cited, for that Espen. does not only in the beginning of his Citante use this sentence, Extat in secundo Tomo Conciliorum Edit. Colon.
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There is extant in the second Tome of Councels, a complaint of the clergie of Liege to Pope 〈 ◊ 〉 2. But in the end also of al his speech, which containeth a long Discourse, he concludeth thus, Hactenus Leodiensium & verba & sensa, &c. And presently for himselfe saith, that he wil not meddle with the Controuersie of fighting betweene Popes and Emperours.
There is extant in the second Tome of Counsels, a complaint of the Clergy of Liege to Pope 〈 ◊ 〉 2. But in the end also of all his speech, which Containeth a long Discourse, he Concludeth thus, Hactenus Leodiensium & verba & sensa, etc. And presently for himself Says, that he will not meddle with the Controversy of fighting between Popes and emperors.
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Neyther could you be ignorant of these wordes, for they goe immediately before the words which you haue mentioned out of Espencaeus. Hath hee then onely related it (good Sir,) hath he not also commended it?
Neither could you be ignorant of these words, for they go immediately before the words which you have mentioned out of Espencaeus. Hath he then only related it (good Sir,) hath he not also commended it?
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In the end, I forbeare (saith Espencaeus ) to vse any discourse about the temporall contentions, which fell betweene the Popedome and the State imperiall from that time, (Marke, I pray you,
In the end, I forbear (Says Espencaeus) to use any discourse about the temporal contentions, which fell between the Popedom and the State imperial from that time, (Mark, I pray you,
and time of impression, as though hee had studied to set himselfe vpon a publique Stage of reproach for his open leesing? Which that my Reader may know to be spoken of me in true sobriety, I propound further vnto him the expresse iudgement of the same Espencaeus out of two places of his workes.
and time of impression, as though he had studied to Set himself upon a public Stage of reproach for his open leesing? Which that my Reader may know to be spoken of me in true sobriety, I propound further unto him the express judgement of the same Espencaeus out of two places of his works.
73. The first place is in the page going immediately before, where comparing the more auncient times of the Church with the latter, concerning the Clergies disposition to war-fare in their owne persons, saith thus:
73. The First place is in the page going immediately before, where comparing the more ancient times of the Church with the latter, Concerning the Clergies disposition to warfare in their own Persons, Says thus:
Et tales 〈 ◊ 〉 fuerunt in 〈 ◊ 〉 Deipopulo Sacerdotum inermium & pacificorū erga seculi Dominos fideles & infideles, mites & barbaros victoria nonminus gloriosae quā incruentae, &c. j. e.
Et tales 〈 ◊ 〉 fuerunt in 〈 ◊ 〉 Deipopulo Sacerdotum inermium & pacificorū Erga Seculi Dominos fideles & infideles, mites & barbaros victoria nonminus gloriosae quā incruentae, etc. j. e.
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such indeed were the victories of vnarmed and peaceable Priests among both sort of people (namely of the olde and new Testament) towards their temporall Lords, whether they were faithfull, or Infidels, gentle or barbarous:
such indeed were the victories of unarmed and peaceable Priests among both sort of people (namely of the old and new Testament) towards their temporal lords, whither they were faithful, or Infidels, gentle or barbarous:
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as soone as they had adioyned vnto ministeriall places secular Seigniories, and that some lesse peaceable Vicars of our Lord God, did wage Warre not onely against the Barbarous,
as soon as they had adjoined unto ministerial places secular Signory, and that Some less peaceable Vicars of our Lord God, did wage War not only against the Barbarous,
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And then beginning at the yeere 770. when Adrian and other Popes raised Warre against the Sarracens and Lombards, he descended vnto Pope Vrbane the second, Who although he would not iudge them to bee murtherers, (speaking of Ecclesiasticall men) who had killed certaine Excommunicate persons,
And then beginning At the year 770. when Adrian and other Popes raised War against the Saracens and Lombards, he descended unto Pope Urban the second, Who although he would not judge them to be murderers, (speaking of Ecclesiastical men) who had killed certain Excommunicate Persons,
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And at length he fasteneth vpon the foresaid Epistle of the Priests of Liege vnto Paschale the second, condemning the practise of Hildebr and, alias, Gregorie the seuenth, which Epistle hee commended, as we haue heard.
And At length he fasteneth upon the foresaid Epistle of the Priests of Liege unto Paschale the second, condemning the practice of Hildebr and, alias, Gregory the Seventh, which Epistle he commended, as we have herd.
Hee hath compared former vnarmed Bishops, with the Souldierly Romish Popes of after-times, and iudgeth the ancient sort peaceable, and the other to haue caried themselues after an heathenish and slanderous manner.
He hath compared former unarmed Bishops, with the Soldierly Romish Popes of Aftertimes, and Judgeth the ancient sort peaceable, and the other to have carried themselves After an Heathenish and slanderous manner.
74. Therefore (M. Parsons ) when you say that Espencaeus did onely relate the passion of other men against Pope Gregorie: Good Sir (to returne your owne Rhetoricke vpon you) will you stand vnto this? Is it true? Is this sincere, seeing that Espencaeus both condemneth all such bloody Prelates,
74. Therefore (M. Parsons) when you say that Espencaeus did only relate the passion of other men against Pope Gregory: Good Sir (to return your own Rhetoric upon you) will you stand unto this? Is it true? Is this sincere, seeing that Espencaeus both Condemneth all such bloody Prelates,
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75. Elsewhere the same Author Espencaeus expresseth his iudgement more fully, concerning this point of Subiection, saying that The Apostle doth teach all the faithfull to be subiect vnto the powers, saying, [ Let euery soule be subiect, &c. ] that is,
75. Elsewhere the same Author Espencaeus Expresses his judgement more Fully, Concerning this point of Subjection, saying that The Apostle does teach all the faithful to be Subject unto the Powers, saying, [ Let every soul be Subject, etc. ] that is,
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as Chrysostome speaketh, Whether Prophet, or Apostle, or Bishop, let him be subiect: And accordingly doeth Euthymius, Theod. Theoph. and other Greeke Fathers teach:
as Chrysostom speaks, Whither Prophet, or Apostle, or Bishop, let him be Subject: And accordingly doth Euthymius, Theod. Theophanes and other Greek Father's teach:
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76. M. Blackwel your late Archpriest, alleadged to the same purpose Bish. Vincentius (who receiued his testimonie from Sigebert, Anno 1088.) saying (with relation vnto Gregorie the seuenth, and to him who succeeded next but one, to wit, Vrbanus.) Vt pace, &c. That is, That I may speake it (saith he) with the fauour of all good men, Haec sola nouit as, nè dicam haeresis;
76. M. Blackwel your late Archpriest, alleged to the same purpose Bish. Vincentius (who received his testimony from Sigebert, Anno 1088.) saying (with Relation unto Gregory the Seventh, and to him who succeeded next but one, to wit, Urban.) Vt pace, etc. That is, That I may speak it (Says he) with the favour of all good men, Haec sola Novit as, nè dicam Heresy;
That is, This meere noueltie, that I say not Heresie, was not as yet sprung in the world, that the Priests of him, who saith vnto the King [ Apostata, ] and who maketh the Hypocrite to Raigne for the sinnes of the people, should teach Subiects that they owe no subiection vnto wicked Kings, that albeit they haue taken an Oath of fidelitie vnto such an one,
That is, This mere novelty, that I say not Heresy, was not as yet sprung in the world, that the Priests of him, who Says unto the King [ Apostata, ] and who makes the Hypocrite to Reign for the Sins of the people, should teach Subjects that they owe no subjection unto wicked Kings, that albeit they have taken an Oath of Fidis unto such an one,
So he. Barkley out of Otto Frisingensis defendeth that, There is not found any example of deposing an Emperour of his State in any age, before Gregorie the seuenth.
So he. Barkley out of Otto Freisingensis defendeth that, There is not found any Exampl of deposing an Emperor of his State in any age, before Gregory the Seventh.
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Which made their late Pope Paulus, to acknowledge no violence vsed by any Pope, vntill A thousand yeeres after Christ. At what time There were not wanting some (saith Cardinall Cusanus) yea,
Which made their late Pope Paulus, to acknowledge no violence used by any Pope, until A thousand Years After christ. At what time There were not wanting Some (Says Cardinal Cusanus) yea,
Albeit, whosoeuer shall Reade that Epistle, hee shall find the commendation of Espencaeus to be most true, who calleth it A complaint full of grauitie, &c. Hee might further haue added, and of Religious pietie.
Albeit, whosoever shall Read that Epistle, he shall find the commendation of Espencaeus to be most true, who calls it A complaint full of gravity, etc. He might further have added, and of Religious piety.
YEt Espencaeus prooueth by sundry examples out of Scriptures, Fathers, and Councels, that in some cases it is lawfull for Priests to vse Temporall Armes also. The Reueiwe.
YEt Espencaeus proveth by sundry Examples out of Scriptures, Father's, and Counsels, that in Some cases it is lawful for Priests to use Temporal Arms also. The Reueiwe.
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Therefore this obseruation, which M. Parsons vseth, seemeth very idle, except it be to bewray his owne disposition (whom their Priest hath noted to bee of A furious, chollericke, and passionate humour ) in desiring,
Therefore this observation, which M. Parsons uses, seems very idle, except it be to bewray his own disposition (whom their Priest hath noted to be of A furious, choleric, and passionate humour) in desiring,
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Secondly to himselfe, by a wilfull falsifying of the iudgement of Espencaeus: Thirdly vnto me, by foysting vpon me the related Historian Frisingensis, instead of the Relator Tolossanus, with a malicious purpose to proue me a falsifier:
Secondly to himself, by a wilful falsifying of the judgement of Espencaeus: Thirdly unto me, by foisting upon me the related Historian Freisingensis, instead of the Relator Tolossanus, with a malicious purpose to prove me a falsifier:
80. Mr. Parsons is fallen forth with Espencaeus, and good reason, for he saw right well that Espencaeus doeth, in effect, call the Doctrine of M. Parsons and his fellows, Rebellious:
80. Mr. Parsons is fallen forth with Espencaeus, and good reason, for he saw right well that Espencaeus doth, in Effect, call the Doctrine of M. Parsons and his Fellows, Rebellious:
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and therefore now must he be esteemed A writer, but of small account. Wherein our Reader may obserue, what small account any man is to make of M. Parsons his iudgement, who Reading Espencaeus, doeth so greatly debase him, especially seeing that their owne learned Authors haue affoorded him a better approbation:
and Therefore now must he be esteemed A writer, but of small account. Wherein our Reader may observe, what small account any man is to make of M. Parsons his judgement, who Reading Espencaeus, doth so greatly debase him, especially seeing that their own learned Authors have afforded him a better approbation:
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For Espencaeus is called by Medina (saith Cumel ) A most learned man; whom Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe vseth to alleadge among your Doctors of account.
For Espencaeus is called by Medina (Says Cumel) A most learned man; whom Cardinal Bellarmine himself uses to allege among your Doctors of account.
And Espencaeus himselfe can further assure vs, with a protestation of trueth, that when he was in possibilitie to bee chosen a Cardinall, he thanked God that he missed it, concluding with this Epiphonema;
And Espencaeus himself can further assure us, with a protestation of truth, that when he was in possibility to be chosen a Cardinal, he thanked God that he missed it, concluding with this Epiphonema;
Quid Romae faciam, mentirinescio? That is, What shall I doe at Rome, seeing I cannot lie? Doe you heare this, M. Parsons? We know where your dwelling is,
Quid Rome faciam, mentirinescio? That is, What shall I do At Room, seeing I cannot lie? Do you hear this, M. Parsons? We know where your Dwelling is,
The last Charge will require a Chapter of it selfe. CHAP. XIII. Contayning the last charge of falsitie against M. Parsons, about the iudgement of Romish Writers, concerning Mentall Equiuocation; conteyning a large Discourse hercof from their doctrine. SECT. I. First in generall. 1. MAst.
The last Charge will require a Chapter of it self. CHAP. XIII. Containing the last charge of falsity against M. Parsons, about the judgement of Romish Writers, Concerning Mental Equivocation; containing a large Discourse hercof from their Doctrine. SECT. I. First in general. 1. MAst.
Parsons his falsitie was the imputing vnto me an acknowledgement of the Vniuersall use of Mentall Equiuocation in the space of foure hundred yeares. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Parsons his falsity was the imputing unto me an acknowledgement of the Universal use of Mental Equivocation in the Molle of foure hundred Years. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
FIrst, I said no more in my Treatise, then that Mr. Morton had manifestly set downe, that for these last 400. yeares he graunted the lawfulnes of Equiuocation to haue bin taught in our Schools.
First, I said no more in my Treatise, then that Mr. Mortonum had manifestly Set down, that for these last 400. Years he granted the lawfulness of Equivocation to have been taught in our Schools.
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And consult (saith he) with the auncient Logicians from the beginning of the world, till within the compasse os these last 400. yeares, and lesse, that euer any Logician did allow your mixt proposition, partly mentall,
And consult (Says he) with the ancient Logicians from the beginning of the world, till within the compass os these last 400. Years, and less, that ever any Logician did allow your mixed proposition, partly mental,
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and partly verball, and I will &c. Out of which exception, for these last 400 yeares, it is euidently deduced, that he granteth the vse of such mixt propositions (which are properly Equiuocations) whereof the one part is vttered, the other reserued in mind, as before hath beene declated.
and partly verbal, and I will etc. Out of which exception, for these last 400 Years, it is evidently deduced, that he grants the use of such mixed propositions (which Are properly Equivocations) whereof the one part is uttered, the other reserved in mind, as before hath been declated.
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And thereof I inferred further by euident consequence, and sequell of reason (though he specified not the same) that for so much as our Catholicke Schooles were then ouer all Christendome,
And thereof I inferred further by evident consequence, and sequel of reason (though he specified not the same) that for so much as our Catholic Schools were then over all Christendom,
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and none publikely knowne or in vse but they, (for those three hundred, or at least these foure) it must needs follow that the same doctrine, during that time, was generally receiued in the said Schooles, Vniuersities, &c. The Reuiew.
and none publicly known or in use but they, (for those three hundred, or At least these foure) it must needs follow that the same Doctrine, during that time, was generally received in the said Schools, Universities, etc. The Reuiew.
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2. Here is new Logique, which Mast. Parsons hath sent vs from Rome ouer the Alpes, to wit, Mentall Equiuocation was not vsed before the last 400. yeares, Ergo, In the last 400. yeares it was vsed Uniuersally in all Uniuersities, Chaires, Schooles;
2. Here is new Logic, which Mast. Parsons hath sent us from Room over the Alps, to wit, Mental Equivocation was not used before the last 400. Years, Ergo, In the last 400. Years it was used Universally in all Universities, Chairs, Schools;
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Ex nihilo nihil fit (M. Parsons ) none can euer deduce an affirmatiue conclusion from a negatiue proposition, be then ashamed of your Euidence. And so may you be likewise of your next shift, in telling vs that you did not seeme to perswade your Reader Expresly and by name that I graunted the generall vse of Mentall Aequiuocation in All Schooles, Chaires, Vniuersities, Tribunals,
Ex nihilo nihil fit (M. Parsons) none can ever deduce an affirmative conclusion from a negative proposition, be then ashamed of your Evidence. And so may you be likewise of your next shift, in telling us that you did not seem to persuade your Reader Expressly and by name that I granted the general use of Mental Equivocation in All Schools, Chairs, Universities, Tribunals,
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and the like, for these 400. yeares, but onely by Consequence. For what can be more expresly assumed than was this, where you said, Seeing it hath beene admitted (say you) so long time in Christendome, as our aduersaries doe confesse,
and the like, for these 400. Years, but only by Consequence. For what can be more expressly assumed than was this, where you said, Seeing it hath been admitted (say you) so long time in Christendom, as our Adversaries do confess,
and not a consequence, for that followeth in the next words:) it ought to be a great argument to discreete men, that it hath some ground of truth? Neyther is it sufficient to inferre a matter by Consequence, for the diuell made a consequence when hee said, If thou be the Sonne of God, cast thy selfe downe:
and not a consequence, for that follows in the next words:) it ought to be a great argument to discreet men, that it hath Some ground of truth? Neither is it sufficient to infer a matter by Consequence, for the Devil made a consequence when he said, If thou be the Son of God, cast thy self down:
It is a mixt proposition (say you) partly vttered with my mouth, as I am no Priest, ] and partly reserued in my minde, as in this clause, [ To tell it vnto you.
It is a mixed proposition (say you) partly uttered with my Mouth, as I am no Priest, ] and partly reserved in my mind, as in this clause, [ To tell it unto you.
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] But what if this clause be such (for this is the chiefest point of this whole dispute) as that it will not agree with the outward wordes in the common interpretation,
] But what if this clause be such (for this is the chiefest point of this Whole dispute) as that it will not agree with the outward words in the Common Interpretation,
] cc-acp q-crq cs d n1 vbb d (c-acp d vbz dt js-jn n1 pp-f d j-jn n1) c-acp cst pn31 vmb xx vvi p-acp dt j n2 p-acp dt j n1,
I am no Priest, reseruing in your minde, as bound to driue a Cart? The first part vttered with the mouth, [ I am no Priest, ] cannot possibly, in the common apprehension of man, signifie or imply this clause which followeth [ As bound to driue a Cart. ] Doe you thinke then that such a clause (for I shall neede to aske no more) which is not comprehensible by the outward wordes, doth therfore make the outward speech true,
I am no Priest, reserving in your mind, as bound to driven a Cart? The First part uttered with the Mouth, [ I am no Priest, ] cannot possibly, in the Common apprehension of man, signify or imply this clause which follows [ As bound to driven a Cart. ] Do you think then that such a clause (for I shall need to ask no more) which is not comprehensible by the outward words, does Therefore make the outward speech true,
because it is true in the minde of the speaker? Yes (say you) for that I truely meane that I am no Priest in the sense which I speake it, which may be what pleaseth me.
Because it is true in the mind of the speaker? Yes (say you) for that I truly mean that I am no Priest in the sense which I speak it, which may be what Pleases me.
This being the very Besis and foundation of your doctrine of Mentall Equiuo cation, I now make bold to auerre, that euery such speech, in the iudgment of Sepulueda, is a lie.
This being the very Besis and Foundation of your Doctrine of Mental Equiuo cation, I now make bold to aver, that every such speech, in the judgement of Sepulueda, is a lie.
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4. For so he censureth euery such kinde of reserued clause, where the obiection is made concerning one, who is called in question by a Iudge to bewray another mans secrecie, which he ought not to reueale,
4. For so he censureth every such kind of reserved clause, where the objection is made Concerning one, who is called in question by a Judge to bewray Another men secrecy, which he ought not to reveal,
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thirdly, here your Clause of Reseruation is the same, wherein you principally insist: so that if this be not lawfull, you must necessarily faile in your former defence.
Thirdly, Here your Clause of Reservation is the same, wherein you principally insist: so that if this be not lawful, you must necessarily fail in your former defence.
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Come we now to our Authour Sepulueda. Vnto this obiection of Philetus and louer of himselfe, he opposeth his owne iudgement in the name of Theophilus, that is, A louer of God, saying, If you Philet us be prepared to answere so,
Come we now to our Author Sepulueda. Unto this objection of Philetus and lover of himself, he Opposeth his own judgement in the name of Theophilus, that is, A lover of God, saying, If you Philet us be prepared to answer so,
Who taught you to trisle so finely? Who did first shew you such a lurking hole for periurie? And in the end concludeth, concerning the former Aequiuocation:
Who taught you to trisle so finely? Who did First show you such a lurking hold for perjury? And in the end Concludeth, Concerning the former Equivocation:
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for thou sayest (saith he) that [ thou knowest nothing at all thereof ] and euery one that heareth thee, doth so vnderstand thee, notwithstan ding thou art guilty to thy selfe, that thou doost know it,
for thou Sayest (Says he) that [ thou Knowest nothing At all thereof ] and every one that hears thee, does so understand thee, notwithstan ding thou art guilty to thy self, that thou dost know it,
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5. All this you saw, M. Parsons, and therin could not but perceiue that Sepulueda hath flatly contradicted your Mentall Equiuocation, notwithstanding haue you dared to say that he doth defend the same in some cases.
5. All this you saw, M. Parsons, and therein could not but perceive that Sepulueda hath flatly contradicted your Mental Equivocation, notwithstanding have you dared to say that he does defend the same in Some cases.
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yet in the second you do excell your selfe, where you say that I finde but One Author Sepulueda contradicting your Acquiuocation, especially knowing that if this Sepulueda, then I do not bring him in alone, seeing that he goeth accompanied with all those Authours, vpon whom the same Sepulueda doth ground his former conclusion:
yet in the second you do excel your self, where you say that I find but One Author Sepulueda contradicting your Acquiuocation, especially knowing that if this Sepulueda, then I do not bring him in alone, seeing that he Goes accompanied with all those Authors, upon whom the same Sepulueda does ground his former conclusion:
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But that you may know (saith he) how long it is since that Comment of Diuines did preuaile for the excuse of a lie, in bearing false witnes in another mans case, I thinke you can finde none before Gabriel, who durst publiquely defend it, That is, the trick of Reseruation, for he speaketh of it.
But that you may know (Says he) how long it is since that Comment of Divines did prevail for the excuse of a lie, in bearing false witness in Another men case, I think you can find none before Gabriel, who durst publicly defend it, That is, the trick of Reservation, for he speaks of it.
Gabriel himselfe denieth that he can escape the guilt of, at least an officious lye, and therefore a sinne, who vseth that artificiall manner of denying with the minde:
Gabriel himself Denieth that he can escape the guilt of, At least an officious lie, and Therefore a sin, who uses that artificial manner of denying with the mind:
np1 px31 vvz d pns31 vmb vvi dt n1 pp-f, p-acp ds dt j n1, cc av dt n1, r-crq vvz d j n1 pp-f vvg p-acp dt n1:
7. Whence we vnderstand the fraudulent dealing, wherevnto Mr. Parsons accustometh himselfe, who informed his Reader, that I could find but onely Sepulueda contradicting their Equiuocation in all the time appointed, and yet all these were within the compasse of foure hundred yeeres:
7. Whence we understand the fraudulent dealing, whereunto Mr. Parsons accustometh himself, who informed his Reader, that I could find but only Sepulueda contradicting their Equivocation in all the time appointed, and yet all these were within the compass of foure hundred Years:
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Aquinas liuing about the yeere 1210. Scotus Anno 1300. Biel Anno 1462. Henricus de Gandauo Anno 1293. Mr. Parsons hath yet one note more which he would haue obserued.
Aquinas living about the year 1210. Scotus Anno 1300. Biel Anno 1462. Henricus de Gandauo Anno 1293. Mr. Parsons hath yet one note more which he would have observed.
NOte, by the way, the lauish immodestie of M. Morton, citing that learned Doctor Gabriel Biel, out of Genesius 〈 ◊ 〉 by the contemptuous title of Lewde Sophister: Whereas Sepulueda, stileth him in the same place, Theologum Doctissimum, a most learned Diuine. The Reuiew.
NOte, by the Way, the lavish immodesty of M. Mortonum, citing that learned Doctor Gabriel Biel, out of Genesius 〈 ◊ 〉 by the contemptuous title of Lewd Sophister: Whereas Sepulueda, styleth him in the same place, Theologum Doctissimum, a most learned Divine. The Reuiew.
8. Then, belike, I haue made Sepulueda call Gabriel a lewde Sophister: will you be so good as but to looke once againe vnto the place, which is in the Preamble, pag. 83. and I doubt not but you will finde out your owne errour,
8. Then, belike, I have made Sepulueda call Gabriel a lewd Sophister: will you be so good as but to look once again unto the place, which is in the Preamble, page. 83. and I doubt not but you will find out your own error,
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For I named not Gabriel a lewde Sophister in citing the testimonie of Sepulueda, but some eight lines after I made bold to censure him so of my selfe, which any one, who is not wittingly captious, will plainely discerne.
For I nam not Gabriel a lewd Sophister in citing the testimony of Sepulueda, but Some eight lines After I made bold to censure him so of my self, which any one, who is not wittingly captious, will plainly discern.
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If this reason be not sufficient, take an other, viz. Although Gabriel held that the Equiuocation aboue mentioned is a lye, and consequently a sinne: yet I thinke none before Gabriel Biel (saith Sepulueda) durst affirme that a lye, in bearing false witnesse in an other mans behalfe, is excusable.
If this reason be not sufficient, take an other, viz. Although Gabriel held that the Equivocation above mentioned is a lie, and consequently a sin: yet I think none before Gabriel Biel (Says Sepulueda) durst affirm that a lie, in bearing false witness in an other men behalf, is excusable.
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Be he therefore as learned as you wil, yet might he be said to play the part of a Sophister, who excused a lye, which none did euer before him. SECT. III. The second instance, against Mentall Equiuocation, is from the iudgment of the Iesuit Azorius in his Instit. Moral.
Be he Therefore as learned as you will, yet might he be said to play the part of a Sophister, who excused a lie, which none did ever before him. SECT. III. The second instance, against Mental Equivocation, is from the judgement of the Iesuit azorius in his Institutio Moral.
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10. THe second falsity of P. R. is his affirming that Mental Equiuocation (for herevpon we only dispute) hath beene vniuersaly receiued of all Vniuersities and people in Christendome, and not contradicted by any.
10. THe second falsity of P. R. is his affirming that Mental Equivocation (for hereupon we only dispute) hath been universal received of all Universities and people in Christendom, and not contradicted by any.
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11. Here is a NONLATINALPHABET a maine gulfe of difference betweene our two iudgments. I affirme that Azorius doth condemne the AEquiuocation, which M. Parsons hath defended:
11. Here is a a main gulf of difference between our two Judgments. I affirm that azorius does condemn the AEquiuocation, which M. Parsons hath defended:
12. All AEquiuocation, M. Parsons? thus you say, and therfore put this in the number of my new and fresh lyes (as you cal them) saying, Here followeth a notable conuiction of falsehood against him,
12. All AEquiuocation, M. Parsons? thus you say, and Therefore put this in the number of my new and fresh lies (as you call them) saying, Here follows a notable conviction of falsehood against him,
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for alleaging Pa. 84. of his Preamble the Iesuit Azorius, as condemning all vse of AEquiuocation, &c. And yet you know that before the propounding of the testimonies of Azorius, and other Iesuits, in the very same page of the Preamble, I restrained our whole dispute vnto Mental AEquiuocation only;
for alleging Paul 84. of his Preamble the Iesuit azorius, as condemning all use of AEquiuocation, etc. And yet you know that before the propounding of the testimonies of azorius, and other Iesuits, in the very same page of the Preamble, I restrained our Whole dispute unto Mental AEquiuocation only;
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but only by some reseruation of minde in the speaker, whereby his meaning is made different from that sense, which the wordes that are vttered, doe beare or yeld without that Reseruation.
but only by Some reservation of mind in the speaker, whereby his meaning is made different from that sense, which the words that Are uttered, do bear or yield without that Reservation.
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Doe not now forget, I pray you ( M. Parsons ) that you distinguish Mentall Equiuocation from Verball, by this note, to wit, that the double sense, which is in the Mentall Equiuocation, is not in the words themselues,
Do not now forget, I pray you (M. Parsons) that you distinguish Mental Equivocation from Verbal, by this note, to wit, that the double sense, which is in the Mental Equivocation, is not in the words themselves,
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15. In the next place, seing that the outward speech, and the inward mentall Reseruation are so different, we demaund whether you thinke the same kinde of Mental Equiuocation to be true or no? These wordes of a Priest [ I am no Priest ] mixed with this reseruation [ To tell it vnto you ] or such like, agreeing with the minde of the speaker, is as true as if the whole proposition were vttered with the mouth without reseruation, thus;
15. In the next place, sing that the outward speech, and the inward mental Reservation Are so different, we demand whither you think the same kind of Mental Equivocation to be true or no? These words of a Priest [ I am no Priest ] mixed with this reservation [ To tell it unto you ] or such like, agreeing with the mind of the speaker, is as true as if the Whole proposition were uttered with the Mouth without reservation, thus;
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We must remember this also, in discussing the iudgment of Azorius, to know whether he did allow that euery such speech, which being vttered wholy in the mouth,
We must Remember this also, in discussing the judgement of azorius, to know whither he did allow that every such speech, which being uttered wholly in the Mouth,
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16. Lastly, what kinde of Reseruation will you allow, and before whome? So that the party, to whome the answere is made, be not a competent Iudge, the speaker is free to haue what meaning he list,
16. Lastly, what kind of Reservation will you allow, and before whom? So that the party, to whom the answer is made, be not a competent Judge, the speaker is free to have what meaning he list,
Therefore, if it please you, let this be the Reseruation in the minde, [ with purpose to tell it vnto you, ] and let vs trye whether Azorius will condemne this kinde of Reseruation for a lye or no,
Therefore, if it please you, let this be the Reservation in the mind, [ with purpose to tell it unto you, ] and let us try whither azorius will condemn this kind of Reservation for a lie or no,
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Mr. Morton skipping ouer foure rules Azorius vseth, for they make expresly against him, runneth only to the fift and last, whereof he saith, that it bitteth the naile on the head.
Mr. Mortonum skipping over foure rules azorius uses, for they make expressly against him, Runneth only to the fift and last, whereof he Says, that it bitteth the nail on the head.
and say he knoweth nothing, when he is de maunded any point about Confession. In the second he resolueth that whensoeuer any man is demaunded by an incompetent Iudge,
and say he Knoweth nothing, when he is the manded any point about Confessi. In the second he resolveth that whensoever any man is demanded by an incompetent Judge,
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17. Azorius neuer vseth the name of AEquiuocation: and in his explanation of his first and second rule, doth fully abandon M. Parsons his doctrine of Reseruation, thus:
17. azorius never uses the name of AEquiuocation: and in his explanation of his First and second Rule, does Fully abandon M. Parsons his Doctrine of Reservation, thus:
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for he defendeth an Amphibologie of speech, which may haue a double sense only by the reseruation in the minde of the speaker, which sense is different from the wordes of the mouth.
for he defendeth an Amphibology of speech, which may have a double sense only by the reservation in the mind of the speaker, which sense is different from the words of the Mouth.
and whereof the hearer is not by some outward circumstance of speech, capable and apprehensible. 18. This may be made plaine by comparing examples together.
and whereof the hearer is not by Some outward circumstance of speech, capable and apprehensible. 18. This may be made plain by comparing Examples together.
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as he is a Priest, and therefore as a Priest is bound in conscience and by his calling, not to reueale any such secrecie (except the concealement may be pernitiously damnifiable vnto persons,
as he is a Priest, and Therefore as a Priest is bound in conscience and by his calling, not to reveal any such secrecy (except the concealment may be perniciously damnifiable unto Persons,
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In such a case Azorius saith, that hee may answere, I know not, because he knoweth it not but as a Priest, which is, that he knoweth it not, to reueale it:
In such a case azorius Says, that he may answer, I know not, Because he Knoweth it not but as a Priest, which is, that he Knoweth it not, to reveal it:
20. Sepulueda hath made the case verycleare, shewing that it is allowed by the common consent of Christians, that a Priest, who knoweth the crime of any,
20. Sepulueda hath made the case verycleare, showing that it is allowed by the Common consent of Christians, that a Priest, who Knoweth the crime of any,
then his answere, in saying I know not, doth issue from the common interpretation of the words themselues, to signifie, that he is not to take knowledge of any such matter, to tell it vnto any:
then his answer, in saying I know not, does issue from the Common Interpretation of the words themselves, to signify, that he is not to take knowledge of any such matter, to tell it unto any:
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which interpretation issueth from the outward circumstance of his calling, because he is a Priest. So that still the oddes betweene M. Parsons and Azorius is thus much:
which Interpretation issueth from the outward circumstance of his calling, Because he is a Priest. So that still the odds between M. Parsons and azorius is thus much:
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and of a man fallen into the handes of theeues, &c. and in the case of a man demanded whether he came from a place suspected to haue had the plague, &c. The Reueiwe.
and of a man fallen into the hands of thieves, etc. and in the case of a man demanded whither he Come from a place suspected to have had the plague, etc. The Reueiwe.
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21. Azorius explaneth himselfe in this third Rule, as in the former, saying, that We may vse wordes ambiguous, taking them in our sense, which the wordes themselues will yeelde;
21. azorius Explaineth himself in this third Rule, as in the former, saying, that We may use words ambiguous, taking them in our sense, which the words themselves will yield;
for we must measure the examples by the rule, and not the rule by examples, and so interprete Azorius his examples, that he thereby doe not contradict himselfe.
for we must measure the Examples by the Rule, and not the Rule by Examples, and so interpret azorius his Examples, that he thereby do not contradict himself.
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first P. R. defendeth an Equiuocation, which is, when the speech hath no double sense in the outward wordes themselues, but onely in some secret reseruation in the minde of the speaker.
First P. R. defendeth an Equivocation, which is, when the speech hath no double sense in the outward words themselves, but only in Some secret reservation in the mind of the speaker.
25. Often haue I called the indifferent Reader to audit our Reckoning, but in this so strange a knacke of Sophistrie, I would make bolde to appeale vnto the Priests and Professors of Aequiuocation, to iudge of Mr. Parsons his practise in this point.
25. Often have I called the indifferent Reader to audit our Reckoning, but in this so strange a knack of Sophistry, I would make bold to appeal unto the Priests and Professors of Equivocation, to judge of Mr. Parsons his practice in this point.
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26. But Azorius doth not make any mention of an Horse or an Oxe, or of any such examples, which beeing vttered wholly with the mouth, doe make no true sense.
26. But azorius does not make any mention of an Horse or an Ox, or of any such Examples, which being uttered wholly with the Mouth, do make no true sense.
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I must craue patience of thee (Christian Reader) to suffer me to inlarge my selfe in discussing the iudgement of Azorius, because M. Parsons his fraude will be more notoriously apparant,
I must crave patience of thee (Christian Reader) to suffer me to enlarge my self in discussing the judgement of azorius, Because M. Parsons his fraud will be more notoriously apparent,
although the wordes (which a man vseth in his promise by an oath) be not of an ambiguous and doubtfull signification, but that the speech is made true in our secret vnderstanding.
although the words (which a man uses in his promise by an oath) be not of an ambiguous and doubtful signification, but that the speech is made true in our secret understanding.
But there was neuer man of any sober vnderstanding, who could fancy that to be true in the secret vnderstanding of man, which M. Parsons hath propounded, viz. I haue no Horse, meaning no Oxe, which is M. Parsons his proper deuise.
But there was never man of any Sobrium understanding, who could fancy that to be true in the secret understanding of man, which M. Parsons hath propounded, viz. I have no Horse, meaning no Ox, which is M. Parsons his proper devise.
and I hauing so much money, shall answere [ I haue it not ] reseruing in my minde [ To lend it vnto thee, ] although they say (saith Azorius) that this outward speech hath no ambiguous sense,
and I having so much money, shall answer [ I have it not ] reserving in my mind [ To lend it unto thee, ] although they say (Says azorius) that this outward speech hath no ambiguous sense,
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29. Thirdly (which amplifieth his conuiction mre fully sons) Mr. Parsons doth iumpe both in doctrine and example with those Romish Patrons of mentall Reseruation, whom Azorius in this place doth professedly confute.
29. Thirdly (which amplifieth his conviction mre Fully Sons) Mr. Parsons does jump both in Doctrine and Exampl with those Romish Patrons of mental Reservation, whom azorius in this place does professedly confute.
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or denie that he hath them, and thereby incurre a lie, and damne his soule? Hath the God of nature left no lawfull maner of euasion by reason and force of wit in such an incumbrance? Hee that hath giuen vnto the Hare & Foxe sharpenes of sense, by leaps, turnings,
or deny that he hath them, and thereby incur a lie, and damn his soul? Hath the God of nature left no lawful manner of evasion by reason and force of wit in such an encumbrance? He that hath given unto the Hare & Fox sharpness of sense, by leaps, turnings,
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Now if Azorius call both their former conclusion, and this very same example a lie, then I thinke I may lawfully aske M. Parsons, what kinde of creature he himselfe may be iudged to be, who doubting of Azorius his sincere iudgement, hath foisted in this aliant,
Now if azorius call both their former conclusion, and this very same Exampl a lie, then I think I may lawfully ask M. Parsons, what kind of creature he himself may be judged to be, who doubting of azorius his sincere judgement, hath foisted in this aliant,
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31. Azorius therefore, after hee had repeated those Doctors reasons, whereby they sought to confirme their owne position, he saith, Meo tamen iudicio, &c. But in my iudgement, they extend that Rule further then is meete,
31. azorius Therefore, After he had repeated those Doctors Reasons, whereby they sought to confirm their own position, he Says, Meo tamen Judicio, etc. But in my judgement, they extend that Rule further then is meet,
yea though we haue it, vnderstanding in our minde [ That we may giue it, ] What soeuer we shall do, What soeuer we shall see, What soeuer we shall thinke or purpose, we may by this meanes denie, that we haue eyther done,
yea though we have it, understanding in our mind [ That we may give it, ] What soever we shall do, What soever we shall see, What soever we shall think or purpose, we may by this means deny, that we have either done,
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32. By this it is manifest, that taking the same example of denying that I haue it, with reseruation, [ To lend or to giue it, ] Azorius matcheth it with the vilest kind of lying, saying that,
32. By this it is manifest, that taking the same Exampl of denying that I have it, with reservation, [ To lend or to give it, ] azorius Matches it with the Vilest kind of lying, saying that,
And in the end, (concerning the same obiection) he answereth by the fift Rule, saying, (as wee haue heard) That if the wordes, which wee vse, be not ambiguous in their owne signification, and common vse of men, wee must vse them in that sense which they yeeld;
And in the end, (Concerning the same objection) he Answers by the fift Rule, saying, (as we have herd) That if the words, which we use, be not ambiguous in their own signification, and Common use of men, we must use them in that sense which they yield;
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neither is it lawfull for vs, although we be asked against right and equity, to wrest any thing into a different sense, by the inward conceit of our minde,
neither is it lawful for us, although we be asked against right and equity, to wrest any thing into a different sense, by the inward conceit of our mind,
Such as he iudgeth M. Parsons his speech concerning not lending of money, to be; M. Parsons calleth the Speech qualified by only mentall Reseruation a truth;
Such as he Judgeth M. Parsons his speech Concerning not lending of money, to be; M. Parsons calls the Speech qualified by only mental Reservation a truth;
and professed resolution, determination, and conclusion of their Iesuite Azorius, M. Parsons must needes be thought to haue wilfully iniured this Author,
and professed resolution, determination, and conclusion of their Iesuite azorius, M. Parsons must needs be Thought to have wilfully injured this Author,
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only this is to be wondered at, that seeing the Foxe doth vse this guyle onely in flying from Dogges, which are mortall enemies vnto him, M. Parsons professeth the practise of his craft in the case of lending money to his friends and fauorites. Wee proceede to the next witnesse against Mentall Reseruation. SECT. IIII.
only this is to be wondered At, that seeing the Fox does use this guile only in flying from Dogs, which Are Mortal enemies unto him, M. Parsons Professes the practice of his craft in the case of lending money to his Friends and favorites. we proceed to the next witness against Mental Reservation. SECT. IIII.
34. MY Aduersary the Moderate Answerer ( ( said I ) to qualifie the hatefulnes of the Equiuocating Sect, did tell vs that A Iesuite famous amongst the Casuists, Emanuel Sà, in his Aphorismes, writeth of this matter in these wordes: Quidam dicunt, &c. Some there be who say, that he who is not bound to answere vnto the intention of the examiner, may answere by reseruation of some thing in his minde, to wit, [ That it is not so, viz. that I must tell it vnto you ] although others doe not admit this manner of answering,
34. MY Adversary the Moderate Answerer ((said I) to qualify the hatefulness of the Equivocating Sect, did tell us that A Iesuite famous among the Casuists, Emmanuel Sà, in his Aphorisms, Writeth of this matter in these words: Quidam dicunt, etc. some there be who say, that he who is not bound to answer unto the intention of the examiner, may answer by reservation of Some thing in his mind, to wit, [ That it is not so, viz. that I must tell it unto you ] although Others do not admit this manner of answering,
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Thus farre that Answerer: confessing hereby that diuers Catholike Authours haue contradicted this Equiuocating forgery, which P. R. hath auouched no Catholike writer did euer contradict.
Thus Far that Answerer: confessing hereby that diverse Catholic Authors have contradicted this Equivocating forgery, which P. R. hath avouched no Catholic writer did ever contradict.
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Mr. Morton hath here committed many falshoods both against Emanuel Sa, against the Moderate Answerer, and against my self Against Eman. Sa: thus Sa addeth vnto his sentence, forte potiori ratione non admittunt, that is, Perhaps this latter opinion is the better.
Mr. Mortonum hath Here committed many falsehoods both against Emmanuel Sa, against the Moderate Answerer, and against my self Against Eman Sa: thus Sa adds unto his sentence, forte potiori ratione non admittunt, that is, Perhaps this latter opinion is the better.
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Thou hast heard, the first Accusation is of craft, for omitting the word, perhaps, in translating the sentence of the Iesuit Sà, viz. fortè potiore ratione; which M. Parsons hath (I must needes say) truely rendred into English thus, [ Perhaps with better reason: ] I likewise confesse, that in my translation of those wordes, I vsed not the word, perhaps, for I rendred them thus, [ Peraduenture with better reason: ] which translation I expresly then set down both in my booke of Full Satisfact. Part. 1, cap. 27. pag. 86. and in my last Preamb. pag. 86. about the 24. lin.
Thou hast herd, the First Accusation is of craft, for omitting the word, perhaps, in translating the sentence of the Iesuit Sà, viz. fortè potiore ratione; which M. Parsons hath (I must needs say) truly rendered into English thus, [ Perhaps with better reason: ] I likewise confess, that in my Translation of those words, I used not the word, perhaps, for I rendered them thus, [ Peradventure with better reason: ] which Translation I expressly then Set down both in my book of Full Satisfact. Part. 1, cap. 27. page. 86. and in my last Preamb. page. 86. about the 24. lin.
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Which M. Parsons himselfe was not ignorant of, for in the 275. page of this his Reckoning, about the 30. line, he acknowledgeth that I deliuered the wordes thus:
Which M. Parsons himself was not ignorant of, for in the 275. page of this his Reckoning, about the 30. line, he acknowledgeth that I Delivered the words thus:
How then can M. Parsons escape the accusation of a crafty and malicious accuser? will he say that in translation perhaps, and, peraduenture, are different,
How then can M. Parsons escape the accusation of a crafty and malicious accuser? will he say that in Translation perhaps, and, Peradventure, Are different,
and not sinonimically and significantly the same? So may he deserue to be reckoned among the wise men of Gotham, who could not see wood for trees, or to shake the fellow by the hand, who said that pepper is hot in operation, but cold in working.
and not sinonimically and significantly the same? So may he deserve to be reckoned among the wise men of Gotham, who could not see wood for trees, or to shake the fellow by the hand, who said that pepper is hight in operation, but cold in working.
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Which Mr. Morton could not choose but know to be a fraude, for that in the next lines Eman. Sa doth resolue two other cases, wherein a man may AEquiuocate. The Reuiew.
Which Mr. Mortonum could not choose but know to be a fraud, for that in the next lines Eman Sa does resolve two other cases, wherein a man may AEquiuocate. The Reuiew.
36. Here he saith that I haue taken Sà as speaking vniuersally against all AEquiuocation, and yet knew that our whole dispute is by vs both restrained only vnto mentall AEquiuocation: which is euident by the very place, ( Preamb. pag. 86) mentioning expresly Mentall AEquiuocation. Therefore this accusation of excepting against all AEquiuocation, is a witting (except he had not haue me rather call it a witlesse) falsity.
36. Here he Says that I have taken Sà as speaking universally against all AEquiuocation, and yet knew that our Whole dispute is by us both restrained only unto mental AEquiuocation: which is evident by the very place, (Preamb. page. 86) mentioning expressly Mental AEquiuocation. Therefore this accusation of excepting against all AEquiuocation, is a witting (except he had not have me rather call it a witless) falsity.
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and runne vpon me for his debt, who neuer vndertooke to be surety for so loose a fellow as that man is, to promise for him that he would not deale falsly? His reason is,
and run upon me for his debt, who never undertook to be surety for so lose a fellow as that man is, to promise for him that he would not deal falsely? His reason is,
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If it were a fraude, more shame for the Moderator: but if it be no fraude, what shame will it be for our sober Reckoner: who euen in saying that I could not but haue read Sà, bewrayeth his lauish presumption,
If it were a fraud, more shame for the Moderator: but if it be no fraud, what shame will it be for our Sobrium Reckoner: who even in saying that I could not but have read Sà, bewrayeth his lavish presumption,
and so it is a verball Equiuocation, and not Mentall. Nay, when one asketh the whole debt, and I denie that I owe it him, who is there almost but will vnderstād that in that speech is signified, that ] owe not that whole debt which is demaunded? Neither doth the iudgment of Sà in other cases differ from the former opinion of Azorius, by whom the Mentall Equiuocation, as it is described by M. Parsons hath beene condemned for a lye: Only Sà deliuereth his iudgement with a fortè, or, peraduenture, (I cry you mercy M. Parsons, I should haue said, perhaps ) and Azorius doth resoluedly shew that your doctrine of Equiuocation is concluded in a lying case.
and so it is a verbal Equivocation, and not Mental. Nay, when one asks the Whole debt, and I deny that I owe it him, who is there almost but will understand that in that speech is signified, that ] owe not that Whole debt which is demanded? Neither does the judgement of Sà in other cases differ from the former opinion of azorius, by whom the Mental Equivocation, as it is described by M. Parsons hath been condemned for a lie: Only Sà Delivereth his judgement with a fortè, or, Peradventure, (I cry you mercy M. Parsons, I should have said, perhaps) and azorius does resolvedly show that your Doctrine of Equivocation is concluded in a lying case.
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38. Or rather that your booke-gelders haue changed his writings, according vnto your new professed occupation, in corrupting of your owne Authours, whensoeuer they chance to say any thing which soundeth preiudiciall to your cause:
38. Or rather that your book-gelders have changed his writings, according unto your new professed occupation, in corrupting of your own Authors, whensoever they chance to say any thing which soundeth prejudicial to your cause:
and that not without some indignation, that none can be suffered to write freely among you, but forthwith, as it happened (saith he) vnto Card. Bellarmine himselfe, he is compelled to recant it;
and that not without Some Indignation, that none can be suffered to write freely among you, but forthwith, as it happened (Says he) unto Card. Bellarmine himself, he is compelled to recant it;
and so the bookes being changed, it must happen in processe of time, that these allegations, which we now vse out of him, will be noted for lying slanders,
and so the books being changed, it must happen in process of time, that these allegations, which we now use out of him, will be noted for lying slanders,
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euen as I haue beene already dealt withall by M. Parsons, about the testimony of Polydore, when he charged me with falshood in citing him out of his old Editions, which they themselues haue professedly and publikely altered, and indeede corrupted.
even as I have been already dealt withal by M. Parsons, about the testimony of Polydore, when he charged me with falsehood in citing him out of his old Editions, which they themselves have professedly and publicly altered, and indeed corrupted.
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but could not doe this hansomely enough, for he doth egregiously abuse his foresaid aduersary, by making him seeme to deduce out of that particular case an absolute deniall of all Equiuocation, making him to conclude thus, that all Catholikes doe not allow of Equiuocation.
but could not do this handsomely enough, for he does egregiously abuse his foresaid adversary, by making him seem to deduce out of that particular case an absolute denial of all Equivocation, making him to conclude thus, that all Catholics do not allow of Equivocation.
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[ Whereby it is manifest that all Catholikes doe not allow of Equiuocation, where he is not bound to answere the Iudge or Examiner proceeding vniustly,
[ Whereby it is manifest that all Catholics do not allow of Equivocation, where he is not bound to answer the Judge or Examiner proceeding unjustly,
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] Whereby is euident that he alleaged not Sà, as denying all Equiuocation, but in particular cases, where he that is demaunded is not bound to make answere. The Reueiwe.
] Whereby is evident that he alleged not Sà, as denying all Equivocation, but in particular cases, where he that is demanded is not bound to make answer. The Reueiwe.
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Some there be that say that he who is not bound to answere, &c. Here the case was manifested to hold onely, Where the partie is not bound to answer, in which cases M. Parsons doth iustifie Mentall Reseruation: but Eman. Sâ telleth vs, that some Romish Doctors doe not admit this doctrine, and perhaps (saith he) with better reason. We shall neede no more,
some there be that say that he who is not bound to answer, etc. Here the case was manifested to hold only, Where the party is not bound to answer, in which cases M. Parsons does justify Mental Reservation: but Eman Sa Telleth us, that Some Romish Doctors do not admit this Doctrine, and perhaps (Says he) with better reason. We shall need no more,
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what are the cases (Mast. Parsons, for I meane to pose you) wherein you would haue your Eman. Sâ seeme to admit of a mentall Reseruation? Eyther must they be when the partie is bound to answere vnto a competent and lawfull Iudge, which kinde of mentall Reseruation, you haue held to be vnlawfull, and a lie:
what Are the cases (Mast. Parsons, for I mean to pose you) wherein you would have your Eman Sa seem to admit of a mental Reservation? Either must they be when the party is bound to answer unto a competent and lawful Judge, which kind of mental Reservation, you have held to be unlawful, and a lie:
first your falshood, in taxing the omission of the word perhaps: Secondly in obiecting the word All: thirdly, imputing a concealement of the Case: and lastly, the losse of your cause, by the iudgement of Sà, and together with him by the iudgement of Some other Romish Writers. SECT. V.
First your falsehood, in taxing the omission of the word perhaps: Secondly in objecting the word All: Thirdly, imputing a concealment of the Case: and lastly, the loss of your cause, by the judgement of Sà, and together with him by the judgement of some other Romish Writers. SECT. V.
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39. MAldonate ( said I ) a principall Iesuite and Casuist resolueth thus: Whosoeuer dooth endeauour by feyning to deceiue another, although he intend to signifie something else, yet doubtlesse he lyeth.
39. MAldonate (said I) a principal Iesuite and Casuist resolveth thus: Whosoever doth endeavour by feigning to deceive Another, although he intend to signify something Else, yet doubtless he lies.
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When I sought for a man, who had explicated the difficulty of some cases of conscience, I could finde none among the most learned, who had performed this better then Maldonate:
When I sought for a man, who had explicated the difficulty of Some cases of conscience, I could find none among the most learned, who had performed this better then Maldonate:
Lastly, your owne Iesuite Ribadineira in his Catalogue of Iesuiticall-Authors, An. 1608. expresly recounteth among the workes of Maldonate, the foresaid Summa Casuum Conscientiae.
Lastly, your own Iesuite ribadineira in his Catalogue of Iesuiticall-Authors, Nias 1608. expressly recounteth among the works of Maldonate, the foresaid Summa Casuum Conscientiae.
But seeing that he knew that Maldonate was thus esteemed of by these Romanists, his charity towards his owne friends might haue a little asswaged his malice against me,
But seeing that he knew that Maldonate was thus esteemed of by these Romanists, his charity towards his own Friends might have a little assuaged his malice against me,
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And we may furthermore obserue what little credite is to be giuen vnto their Romish bookes, which come vnder the name of their Writers, seeing that the books of Iesuites are falsly inscribed.
And we may furthermore observe what little credit is to be given unto their Romish books, which come under the name of their Writers, seeing that the books of Iesuites Are falsely inscribed.
Insomuch that it agreeth well with the definition of a lie, set downe in St. Aug. Mendacium est falsa vocis significatio cum intentione fallendi: A lie is a false signification of speech, with intention to deceiue:
Insomuch that it agreeth well with the definition of a lie, Set down in Saint Aug. Mendacium est Falsa Vocis significatio cum intention fallendi: A lie is a false signification of speech, with intention to deceive:
which two clauses of the definition of a lie, I doe proue and demonstrate for diuers leaues together in the 8. Chapter of my former Treatise, that they cannot agree with the nature of Equiuocation, and by consequence that Equiuocation is no lie.
which two clauses of the definition of a lie, I do prove and demonstrate for diverse leaves together in the 8. Chapter of my former Treatise, that they cannot agree with the nature of Equivocation, and by consequence that Equivocation is no lie.
42. Least that Maldonate might seeme to make against you, you answere not directly to these wordes, Although he intend not to signifie aliquid praetereà, that is, Something else, which indefinitely signifieth something Else, whatsoeuer it be.
42. lest that Maldonate might seem to make against you, you answer not directly to these words, Although he intend not to signify Aliquid praetereà, that is, Something Else, which indefinitely signifies something Else, whatsoever it be.
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If your friend demaund of you to lend him some money, which you know that you haue in your Chest, yet you are prouided to answere, I haue it not, meaning, to lend it: This your Azorius called a plaine lye, and this is it which Maldonate doth intend, who in this exception against any Reseruation, which is onely mentall, doth imply all, saying, [ Although he feine to himselfe something else.
If your friend demand of you to lend him Some money, which you know that you have in your Chest, yet you Are provided to answer, I have it not, meaning, to lend it: This your azorius called a plain lie, and this is it which Maldonate does intend, who in this exception against any Reservation, which is only mental, does imply all, saying, [ Although he feign to himself something Else.
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NOt the second of intention to deceiue: for that the first and principall intention of him that is forced for some iust cause to Equiuocate (for otherwise he may not vse it,) is to deliuer himselfe from that iniury which is offered him,
NOt the second of intention to deceive: for that the First and principal intention of him that is forced for Some just cause to Equivocate (for otherwise he may not use it,) is to deliver himself from that injury which is offered him,
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And this I proue to be so cleare, as that by this are iustified all Stratagems in warre, which are indeede nothing but Equiuocations in fact, that otherwise should be vnlawfull and sinfull. The Reueiwe.
And this I prove to be so clear, as that by this Are justified all Stratagems in war, which Are indeed nothing but Equivocations in fact, that otherwise should be unlawful and sinful. The Reueiwe.
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43. What haue we to doe with Stratagems of warre? for onely actions (which is when there is no word or promise going before, which may be contradicted by their own actions) in themselues, doe neyther affirme nor denie:
43. What have we to do with Stratagems of war? for only actions (which is when there is no word or promise going before, which may be contradicted by their own actions) in themselves, do neither affirm nor deny:
Which I doe demonstrate by many examples out of the Scriptures and Fathers; whereby it is euident that this permission of others to be deceiued by our speech,
Which I do demonstrate by many Examples out of the Scriptures and Father's; whereby it is evident that this permission of Others to be deceived by our speech,
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for freeing his mentall Equiuocation from a lie. As yet Maldonate is against him, and this M. Parsons saw in his Mitigation, otherwise why did he skippe ouer this place, where it was particularly obiected against him.
for freeing his mental Equivocation from a lie. As yet Maldonate is against him, and this M. Parsons saw in his Mitigation, otherwise why did he skip over this place, where it was particularly objected against him.
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but with me, and for me, as I doe shew by diuers distinct numbers, citing him also num 75. pag. 399. and this very place here quoted by Mr Morton, together with another of Toletus to the same effect? What meaneth, I say, Mr. Morton to deale so vnsincerely in such sort as euery child may see his fraude? And if any man will doubt,
but with me, and for me, as I do show by diverse distinct numbers, citing him also num 75. page. 399. and this very place Here quoted by Mr Mortonum, together with Another of Toletus to the same Effect? What means, I say, Mr. Mortonum to deal so unsincerely in such sort as every child may see his fraud? And if any man will doubt,
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whether Maldonate did defend Equiuocation in such cases as we doe, wherein somewhat is rescrued in the minde of the speaker, more then is specified in the wordes, let him reade him in his Commentaries vpon the Gospels, in the places that containe such reseruations. The Reueiwe.
whither Maldonate did defend Equivocation in such cases as we do, wherein somewhat is rescrued in the mind of the speaker, more then is specified in the words, let him read him in his Commentaries upon the Gospels, in the places that contain such reservations. The Reueiwe.
yet now to scrape some acquaintance with him, leauing his positiue rule, you are gladde to seeke into his Explications of Scriptures, wherein you may see for your purpose;
yet now to scrape Some acquaintance with him, leaving his positive Rule, you Are glad to seek into his Explications of Scriptures, wherein you may see for your purpose;
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as being unciuil to be called Vrbanus, &c. Vpon this M. Parsons grew very violent, saying, The Minister hath neither simplicity nor truth, but a a Mitigat. Epist. dedic.
as being Uncivil to be called Urban, etc. Upon this M. Parsons grew very violent, saying, The Minister hath neither simplicity nor truth, but a a Mitigate. Epistle Dedicate.
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n. 18.19 lost conscience, by calumniations fraught with deceitfulnesse and malice, laying this obseruation vpon Polydore, and citing no place. The Charge against M. Parsons.
n. 18.19 lost conscience, by calumniations fraught with deceitfulness and malice, laying this observation upon Polydore, and citing no place. The Charge against M. Parsons.
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least it should be cited, they themselues haue blotted out of the booke: and now he reckoneth both for the Authour, and for the testimony it selfe. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
lest it should be cited, they themselves have blotted out of the book: and now he Reckoneth both for the Author, and for the testimony it self. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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3. Had you not Polydor by you, M. Parsons? wee shall try th's by your answere in your Mitigation. Let the iudicious Readeriudge (say you) whether the Authour thereof be a Minister of simple truth;
3. Had you not Polydore by you, M. Parsons? we shall try th's by your answer in your Mitigation. Let the judicious Readeriudge (say you) whither the Author thereof be a Minister of simple truth;
Is this the tenure of an answerer, who saw not Polydore; to say that Polydore saith only, &c. But it may be M. Parsons, although he cannot free himselfe from fraude, will escape the guilt of a lye by Equiuocation, saying that he saw not Polydore, meaning, with his heeles: otherwise to charge me with so infamous a falshood, in alleaging Polydore,
Is this the tenure of an answerer, who saw not Polydore; to say that Polydore Says only, etc. But it may be M. Parsons, although he cannot free himself from fraud, will escape the guilt of a lie by Equivocation, saying that he saw not Polydore, meaning, with his heals: otherwise to charge me with so infamous a falsehood, in alleging Polydore,
when as yet he himselfe had not Polydore by him; doth in effect tell vs that M. Parsons, in answering, is sometime by himselfe. What further concerning the booke. Mr. PARSONS Reckoning.
when as yet he himself had not Polydore by him; does in Effect tell us that M. Parsons, in answering, is sometime by himself. What further Concerning the book. Mr. PARSONS Reckoning.
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10. be not in any of our bookes now commonly extant, yet he saith that they are in the Edition of Basil An. 1570. and that two yeares after by Pope pius Quintus the Index Expurgatorius did put out these wordes:
10. be not in any of our books now commonly extant, yet he Says that they Are in the Edition of Basil Nias 1570. and that two Years After by Pope Pius Quintus the Index Expurgatorius did put out these words:
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but he telleth not what Index it was, for I haue one containing both the Flemmish and Spanish Index, Printed at Basil An. 1544. wherein this obseruation is not found, which M. Morton saith was Printed Anno 1570. which was 26. yeares after.
but he Telleth not what Index it was, for I have one containing both the Flemish and Spanish Index, Printed At Basil Nias 1544. wherein this observation is not found, which M. Mortonum Says was Printed Anno 1570. which was 26. Years After.
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Whereof must needes be inferred, that either M. Morton dealeth not sincerely with vs in this matter (which yet I will not be so vnfreindly as to suspect) or that his Edition of 1570. (which hitherto I cannot see) hath receiued this addition about the Popes changing of their names after the foresaid Edition of 1544. The Reueiwe.
Whereof must needs be inferred, that either M. Mortonum deals not sincerely with us in this matter (which yet I will not be so unfriendly as to suspect) or that his Edition of 1570. (which hitherto I cannot see) hath received this addition about the Popes changing of their names After the foresaid Edition of 1544. The Reueiwe.
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4. Can M. Parsons possibly not suppose me to be insincere in this point, who hath challēged me for so egregious a falsificator in so many passages? either is he more credulous then he ought to be,
4. Can M. Parsons possibly not suppose me to be insincere in this point, who hath challenged me for so egregious a falsificator in so many passages? either is he more credulous then he ought to be,
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and euen in this very place he is intollerable, for the bookes of Polydore which haue not that sentence in them haue (as he knoweth) beene much purged;
and even in this very place he is intolerable, for the books of Polydore which have not that sentence in them have (as he Knoweth) been much purged;
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as their owne booke, which is intituled, Index librorum prohibitorum, that is, The Catalogue of bookes which haue beene prohibited, doth expresly shew, telling vs that, The booke of Polydore, De Inuentoribus Rerum, is permitted, which was purged by the commaund of Pope Greg. 13. in the yeare 1576. How could he then but suspect, that such a sentence as this was blotted out?
as their own book, which is entitled, Index librorum prohibitorum, that is, The Catalogue of books which have been prohibited, does expressly show, telling us that, The book of Polydore, De Inuentoribus Rerum, is permitted, which was purged by the command of Pope Greg. 13. in the year 1576. How could he then but suspect, that such a sentence as this was blotted out?
5. Againe, I cited in the margent the Index Belgicus, which was printed Lugduni An. 1586. ( pag. 195.) wherein these wordes, Extraà iocum, &c. and nine lines following are commaunded to be blotted out. Which euery one that will may finde in the auncient bookes of Polydore, and yet (as M. Parsons confesseth) is not in your new Editions:
5. Again, I cited in the margin the Index Belgicus, which was printed Lyon Nias 1586. (page. 195.) wherein these words, Extraà Jocum, etc. and nine lines following Are commanded to be blotted out. Which every one that will may find in the ancient books of Polydore, and yet (as M. Parsons Confesses) is not in your new Editions:
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BVt let vs heare the wordes themselues, which M. Morton setteth downe as found in his Tolydore: Primus honos, &c. This is the first honour giuen to the Bishop of Rome after his creation (saith he) that if his name be not faire, he may change the same:
But let us hear the words themselves, which M. Mortonum sets down as found in his Tolydore: Primus honos, etc. This is the First honour given to the Bishop of Room After his creation (Says he) that if his name be not fair, he may change the same:
as for example (which yet be not spoken but in iest) if before perhaps he had beene an euill doer, he may be called Bonifacius, that is a good doer; if he had beene fearefull, then may he be called Leo, a Lyon;
as for Exampl (which yet be not spoken but in jest) if before perhaps he had been an evil doer, he may be called Boniface, that is a good doer; if he had been fearful, then may he be called Leo, a lion;
if rusticall, then Vrbanus, or ciuill, &c. and the first Authour or beginner of this custome is said to haue beene Pope Sergius 2. whose name hauing beene before Os porci, which signifieth the mouth of an hogge, it was permitted vnto him (saith the supposed Polydore ) for the auoiding the obseenitie of his former name, to change the same.
if rustical, then Urban, or civil, etc. and the First Author or beginner of this custom is said to have been Pope Sergius 2. whose name having been before Os Porci, which signifies the Mouth of an hog, it was permitted unto him (Says the supposed Polydore) for the avoiding the obseenitie of his former name, to change the same.
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These two thinges, that the first occasion of changing names should haue beene from Pope Sergius 2. hath no substance at all, Platina deliuereth it vpon report, 〈 ◊ 〉 confuteth it.
These two things, that the First occasion of changing names should have been from Pope Sergius 2. hath no substance At all, Platina Delivereth it upon report, 〈 ◊ 〉 confuteth it.
but only his Christian or proper name, as of late when Hypolitus Aldobrandinus was called Clemens 8. hee changed not the name of Aldobrandinus, but of Hypolitus. The Reuiewe.
but only his Christian or proper name, as of late when Hippolytus Aldobrandinus was called Clemens 8. he changed not the name of Aldobrandinus, but of Hippolytus. The Reuiewe.
Can you shew vs a reason, why he that will change his Christian name, will not also change his naturall name or sirname? Saul Iewish was changed into Paul Christian;
Can you show us a reason, why he that will change his Christian name, will not also change his natural name or surname? Saul Jewish was changed into Paul Christian;
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Now for the Pope to reiect his name which he receiued in Baptisme as a token of his Christendome, this seemeth to be a prophane mistery. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Now for the Pope to reject his name which he received in Baptism as a token of his Christendom, this seems to be a profane mystery. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Ridendo dicere verum, quis vetat? a man may laugh and tell a truth, as I might doe, in telling M. Parsons that I cannot without a iest obserue the differences of translations, which he hath inuented in [ Let not ] and [ May not, ] as though there had beene craft herein.
Ridendo dicere verum, quis Vetat? a man may laugh and tell a truth, as I might do, in telling M. Parsons that I cannot without a jest observe the differences of Translations, which he hath invented in [ Let not ] and [ May not, ] as though there had been craft herein.
For I beseech you, Sir, when the Apostle, speaking against vnlawfull separation of the wife from her husband, saith, Let not the wife depart from her husband;
For I beseech you, Sir, when the Apostle, speaking against unlawful separation of the wife from her husband, Says, Let not the wife depart from her husband;
A wife may not depart from her husband, had these two differed any thing in sense? But why doe I hinder M. Parsons his sport, whose disposition is euen to play with a feather? SECT. II. His second charge against his Aduersary, about the pope that was choaked with a flye.
A wife may not depart from her husband, had these two differed any thing in sense? But why do I hinder M. Parsons his sport, whose disposition is even to play with a feather? SECT. II His second charge against his Adversary, about the pope that was choked with a fly.
THe mistaking of the name of the Emperour Henry 2. in stead of Fredericke 1. who was excommunicated by Pope Adrian; which M. Parsons will haue to proceede from maliciousnesse. My discharge.
THe mistaking of the name of the Emperor Henry 2. in stead of Frederick 1. who was excommunicated by Pope Adrian; which M. Parsons will have to proceed from maliciousness. My discharge.
Cardinall Bellarmine erred often, in citing of Authours, and hath lately corrected those escapes, as alleaging Ambrose, in stead of Augustine; Cyprian in stead of Cyril; Innocentius in stead of Clemens; and in such like errors their Gratian doth superabound:
Cardinal Bellarmine erred often, in citing of Authors, and hath lately corrected those escapes, as alleging Ambrose, in stead of Augustine; Cyprian in stead of Cyril; Innocentius in stead of Clemens; and in such like errors their Gratian does superabound:
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as his Reader could haue no probable cause to doubt, but that they were his owne proper wordes? Was not this crasty perfidiousd aling? This answere of Mr. Morton doth more intangle him in falshood. The Reuiew.
as his Reader could have no probable cause to doubt, but that they were his own proper words? Was not this Crusty perfidiousd aling? This answer of Mr. Mortonum does more entangle him in falsehood. The Reuiew.
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10. Did euer sober man make such a question? how can one set downe precisely the wordes of an Authour, which he himselfe hath not read? Any child can answere, that this may easily be done, by reciting the sentence out of a writer, who hath collected it out of the Authour himselfe, which is vsuall in all that write.
10. Did ever Sobrium man make such a question? how can one Set down precisely the words of an Author, which he himself hath not read? Any child can answer, that this may Easily be done, by reciting the sentence out of a writer, who hath collected it out of the Author himself, which is usual in all that write.
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If I should aske M. Parsons this, did you neuer deliuer any testimony from an other mans writing, which was true? he would say that this is but a fond question,
If I should ask M. Parsons this, did you never deliver any testimony from an other men writing, which was true? he would say that this is but a found question,
and yet it is Cosen germane to his owne, nor is it much vnlike vnto his next taxation for setting downe, out of Nauclerus, Many Italian writers, in stead of, so many Italian writers as he could see;
and yet it is cousin germane to his own, nor is it much unlike unto his next taxation for setting down, out of Nauclerus, Many Italian writers, in stead of, so many Italian writers as he could see;
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So to conclude this Accompt, &c. The Reuiewe, shewing how M Parsons hath slipped ouer a peece of a former Charge, wherein he was accused of an euident falshood.
So to conclude this Account, etc. The Reuiewe, showing how M Parsons hath slipped over a piece of a former Charge, wherein he was accused of an evident falsehood.
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12. EXamples herof I related out of Vrspergensis: among others, the example of Pope Anastasius, reported by your owne Doctors (said I) to haue beene strucke with the hand of God, and so to haue perished.
12. Examples hereof I related out of Vespergensis: among Others, the Exampl of Pope Anastasius, reported by your own Doctors (said I) to have been struck with the hand of God, and so to have perished.
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M. Parsons redily swalloweth all the first three Cammels, and straineth a Gnat, to wit, the testimony of thelast Authour Turrecremata. M. PARSONS his Reckoning, and Charge against his Aduersarie.
M. Parsons readily swalloweth all the First three Camels, and straineth a Gnat, to wit, the testimony of thelast Author Turrecremata. M. PARSONS his Reckoning, and Charge against his Adversary.
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Turrecremata lib. 2. Summae Eccles. cap. 103. spake only by way of answering certaine obiections of them that brought in the example of Anastasius, &c. The Reueiwe.
Turrecremata lib. 2. summae Eccles. cap. 103. spoke only by Way of answering certain objections of them that brought in the Exampl of Anastasius, etc. The Reueiwe.
13. My Reader will be so indifferent as to obserue the place and wordes of Turrecremata lib. 2. Eccles. cap. 103. Item nec facit ad propositum, &c. Neither (saith he) doth it make any thing for the purpose, which some aduersaries say of Anastasius ( out of the Cap. Anastasius, Dist. 19. & in Glossa) because although we reade there that some honest men departed from Anastasius, for that he had communicated with Photius and Acatius, yet doe we not reade that he was condemned by the whole Church;
13. My Reader will be so indifferent as to observe the place and words of Turrecremata lib. 2. Eccles. cap. 103. Item nec facit ad propositum, etc. Neither (Says he) does it make any thing for the purpose, which Some Adversaries say of Anastasius (out of the Cap. Anastasius, Dist 19. & in Glossa) Because although we read there that Some honest men departed from Anastasius, for that he had communicated with Photius and Acatius, yet do we not read that he was condemned by the Whole Church;
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but, Benè legitur quòd fuerit diuino iudicio percussus, & ità à Deo depositus, that is: It is well said that he was strucke with Gods iudgment, and so deposed by God;
but, Benè legitur quòd fuerit diuino Judicio percussus, & ità à God depositus, that is: It is well said that he was struck with God's judgement, and so deposed by God;
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So little cause had I to conceale the right Chapter, which M. Parsons (least the truth might be acknowledged) did, asit may seeme, wittingly ouer-passe, only that he might guilfully latch me within the suspicion of fraude and deceit. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
So little cause had I to conceal the right Chapter, which M. Parsons (lest the truth might be acknowledged) did, asit may seem, wittingly overpass, only that he might guilefully latch me within the suspicion of fraud and deceit. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
I Must aduertise the Reader, that the whole current of other Writers doe deny this matter about the inclination of Pope Anastusius to recall Acatius, affirming that the said Acatius was dead diuers yeares before Anastasius was Pope,
I Must advertise the Reader, that the Whole current of other Writers do deny this matter about the inclination of Pope Anastusius to Recall Acatius, affirming that the said Acatius was dead diverse Years before Anastasius was Pope,
all which, or most are named in the first part of the Decree of Gratian, which is cyted also by M. Morton, and so if he looked vpon it, he abuseth vs greatly in dissembling the matter:
all which, or most Are nam in the First part of the decree of Gratian, which is cited also by M. Mortonum, and so if he looked upon it, he abuseth us greatly in dissembling the matter:
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14. And I doe earnestly entreate our Reader to marke M. Parsons Aduertisment, and he will perhaps wonder at his importunate desire, to haue the witnes of Gratian produced;
14. And I do earnestly entreat our Reader to mark M. Parsons Advertisement, and he will perhaps wonder At his importunate desire, to have the witness of Gratian produced;
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for thus we reade in Gratian, Dist. 19. Cap. Anastasius: Anastasius the second, a Romane by birth, liued (saith he) in the dayes of K. Theodoricus, at what time many of the Clergie separated themselues from his Communion,
for thus we read in Gratian, Dist 19. Cap. Anastasius: Anastasius the second, a Roman by birth, lived (Says he) in the days of K. Theodoricus, At what time many of the Clergy separated themselves from his Communion,
because he without a Councell of Bishops and Priests, and Clergie of the Catholicke Church did communicate with Photius, who had communicated with Acatius;
Because he without a Council of Bishops and Priests, and Clergy of the Catholic Church did communicate with Photius, who had communicated with Acatius;
Had you any reason to aske why I pretermitted these testimonies? And yet furthermore where it is obiected, that Acatius was dead before Anastasius was Pope, this is answered in the Glosse vpon the Chap. going before, beginning thus:
Had you any reason to ask why I pretermitted these testimonies? And yet furthermore where it is objected, that Acatius was dead before Anastasius was Pope, this is answered in the Gloss upon the Chap. going before, beginning thus:
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By this time you see the vnluckinesse of your importunity, requiring an Answere to that which was answered by your owne Glosse about the same place of Gratian. Which if you saw,
By this time you see the unluckiness of your importunity, requiring an Answer to that which was answered by your own Gloss about the same place of Gratian. Which if you saw,
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15. Againe, Other examples of like nature were cyted, as that of Pope Iohn 10. who, by the practise of an infamous and lewd woman, was thrust into Peters chaire,
15. Again, Other Examples of like nature were cited, as that of Pope John 10. who, by the practice of an infamous and lewd woman, was thrust into Peter's chair,
These cytations haue beene right, and your answer is by opposing other Historians, who commended these Popes liues, vnto Historians, who condemned them;
These citations have been right, and your answer is by opposing other Historians, who commended these Popes lives, unto Historians, who condemned them;
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16. COncerning Boucher a Romish Doctor, who held it lawfull for a priuate man to kill a Tyrant in the case of publique enmity, eyther against the Church,
16. Concerning Boucher a Romish Doctor, who held it lawful for a private man to kill a Tyrant in the case of public enmity, either against the Church,
BVt it is graunted by Doctor Boucher (sayth M. Morton ) that when the Common-wealth hath condemned and declared any Tyrant for a publicke enemy, he may be slaine by a priuate man.
But it is granted by Doctor Boucher (say M. Mortonum) that when the Commonwealth hath condemned and declared any Tyrant for a public enemy, he may be slain by a private man.
though he were a Tyrant, for any cause eyther priuate or publique whatsoeuer So as in this principall charge M. Morton remaineth wholly conuicted, as you see. The Reueiwe.
though he were a Tyrant, for any cause either private or public whatsoever So as in this principal charge M. Mortonum remains wholly convicted, as you see. The Reueiwe.
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17. Boucher calleth him a priuate man: Take the case as M. Parsons hath propounded it, that a priuate man, after the publique sentence of the Common-wealth, is no priuate man, but a publique and iust executioner:
17. Boucher calls him a private man: Take the case as M. Parsons hath propounded it, that a private man, After the public sentence of the Commonwealth, is no private man, but a public and just executioner:
What is this but to put into the handes of men dagges, and knyues, and poisons for execution of their hatefull designes? But we returne vnto Doctor Bouchier. The case may be so vrgent (saith he) that the publicke iudgement neede not be exspected,
What is this but to put into the hands of men dagges, and knives, and poisons for execution of their hateful designs? But we return unto Doctor Bouchier. The case may be so urgent (Says he) that the public judgement need not be expected,
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euen before publique iudgement. The answere which M. Parsons will giue vs in this his Sober Reckoning, is worth our attention. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
even before public judgement. The answer which M. Parsons will give us in this his Sobrium Reckoning, is worth our attention. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
So as considering what here is in the Question, hee (that is, T. M. ) must needes be condemned of a Nihil dicit, or a falsum dicit. The Reueiwe. 18. Iucundè dictum, & iocularitèr.
So as considering what Here is in the Question, he (that is, T. M.) must needs be condemned of a Nihil dicit, or a falsum dicit. The Reueiwe. 18. Iucundè dictum, & ioculariter.
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for although D. Bouchier doth vse the distinction of priuatiue and positiue punishment, yet in the next Chapter he sheweth that The iudgement of the Church may be preuented, by the notoriousnes of the crime:
for although D. Bouchier does use the distinction of privative and positive punishment, yet in the next Chapter he shows that The judgement of the Church may be prevented, by the notoriousness of the crime:
but he putteth a sword in mens handes for to kill euen before iudgement, saying that they are taught out of Deut. 13. Statim interficere, Presently to kill;
but he putteth a sword in men's hands for to kill even before judgement, saying that they Are taught out of Deuteronomy 13. Immediately interficere, Presently to kill;
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adding the examples of Phinoes killing the Israelite, Num. 25. and of Mattathias killing the Kings Captains, 1. Machab. 2. Next he seeketh to establish the Acte of killing by a Canon, That hee who falleth into a crime, which is condemned by the Canon, may without further iudgment be held condemned by the sent ence of the Canon.
adding the Examples of Phinoes killing the Israelite, Num. 25. and of Mattathias killing the Kings Captains, 1. Maccab 2. Next he seeks to establish the Act of killing by a Canon, That he who falls into a crime, which is condemned by the Canon, may without further judgement be held condemned by the sent ence of the Canon.
Thus farre of the proceeding by Ecclesiasticall censure. 19. In the fourth Chapter he entreth the same question concerning execution before publique iudgement.
Thus Far of the proceeding by Ecclesiastical censure. 19. In the fourth Chapter he entereth the same question Concerning execution before public judgement.
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or cautelous, then the Ecclesiasticall, as that they ought to expect that publicke iudgement (as Polititians teach) before that they may set vpon a Tyrant by armes? Immediately to prooue that they ought not to expect any publicke iudgement, he saith that in such a case If publicke iudgement may not be had, the safet ie of the Common-wealth is to be sought by other meanes whatsoeuer,
or cautelous, then the Ecclesiastical, as that they ought to expect that public judgement (as Politicians teach) before that they may Set upon a Tyrant by arms? Immediately to prove that they ought not to expect any public judgement, he Says that in such a case If public judgement may not be had, the safet ie of the Commonwealth is to be sought by other means whatsoever,
And if any, whom he calleth Tyrants, shall happen to be slaine in such insurrections, Who (sayth he) will denie, but they are iustly slaine? In the fift Chapter he giueth an instance in Henr. 3. King of France, who was murthered by Iacob Clement a Friar:
And if any, whom he calls Tyrants, shall happen to be slain in such insurrections, Who (say he) will deny, but they Are justly slain? In the fift Chapter he gives an instance in Henry 3. King of France, who was murdered by Iacob Clement a Friar:
which fact Bouchier in the cap. 23. of the same booke doth highly commend as meritorious. Is heere M. Parsons, eyther falsum or nihil? Is it nothing to arme Subiects against Kings,
which fact Bouchier in the cap. 23. of the same book does highly commend as meritorious. Is Here M. Parsons, either falsum or nihil? Is it nothing to arm Subjects against Kings,
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before publique iudgement? Is it nothing so to arme them, as, if they kill such Kings, to holde the fact lawfull and meritorious? If there had beene any tincture of truth in you, you could not haue obiected falsity vnto mee against so many and so plaine instances and examples.
before public judgement? Is it nothing so to arm them, as, if they kill such Kings, to hold the fact lawful and meritorious? If there had been any tincture of truth in you, you could not have objected falsity unto me against so many and so plain instances and Examples.
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It had beene therefore safer for M. Parsons his conscience, to haue answered Nihil, then to haue answered Falsum, that he is conuicted by the iudgement of their owne Barclay: which is likewise the censure of their owne Priest in the Quodlibets, saying, that In the Treatises de tusta Abdic.
It had been Therefore safer for M. Parsons his conscience, to have answered Nihil, then to have answered Falsum, that he is convicted by the judgement of their own Barclay: which is likewise the censure of their own Priest in the Quodlibets, saying, that In the Treatises de tusta Abdic.
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The case thus standing, we may thinke that Mr. Parsons his guiltinesse concerning the matter, did driue his penne awry to wrangle 〈 ◊ 〉 about wordes. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
The case thus standing, we may think that Mr. Parsons his guiltiness Concerning the matter, did driven his pen awry to wrangle 〈 ◊ 〉 about words. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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for excuse whereof he runneth to other Chapters, wherein he saith that Bouchier auoucheth, Mirum esse in affirmando consensum, that there is a wonderfull consent in allowing this doctrine.
for excuse whereof he Runneth to other Chapters, wherein he Says that Bouchier avoucheth, Mirum esse in affirmando consensum, that there is a wonderful consent in allowing this Doctrine.
telling vs that at the hearing of the word Suggestion he imagined, and that (as he saith) truely, that I would haue confessed the Diuell to haue beene my Suggester:
telling us that At the hearing of the word Suggestion he imagined, and that (as he Says) truly, that I would have confessed the devil to have been my Suggester:
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And that their own secular Priests haue no other way, to excuse the violent proceeding of their Pope Pius Quintus against the Q. of England, then by telling vs that hee was stirred vp by wrong Suggestions. Would it now become M. Parsons, who is a Romish Priest, by the strength of his imagination to thinke and that Truely (as he saith) that these Popes would confesse hereupon, that they receiued sometimes their intelligences, Insinuations and Suggestions from the Diuell? Or would not any Priest at the first hearing of this asseueration of M. Parsons saying, Truely, &c. acknowledge that in this first word he had committed a True-lye?
And that their own secular Priests have no other Way, to excuse the violent proceeding of their Pope Pius Quintus against the Q. of England, then by telling us that he was stirred up by wrong Suggestions. Would it now become M. Parsons, who is a Romish Priest, by the strength of his imagination to think and that Truly (as he Says) that these Popes would confess hereupon, that they received sometime their intelligences, Insinuations and Suggestions from the devil? Or would not any Priest At the First hearing of this asseveration of M. Parsons saying, Truly, etc. acknowledge that in this First word he had committed a Truly?
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especially considering that the common letters in themselues might as easily represent Robert Cowbucke, as any other, in the which name M. Parsons himself was presented to Pope Clement the eighth, by the Declaration of more then twenty Priests:
especially considering that the Common letters in themselves might as Easily represent Robert Cowbucke, as any other, in the which name M. Parsons himself was presented to Pope Clement the eighth, by the Declaration of more then twenty Priests:
Though not the place alleadged (saith he) yet the scope of M. Rainolds his whole booke doth conuince him of rebellious doctrine, as will more plainely appeare in the Encounter.
Though not the place alleged (Says he) yet the scope of M. Reynolds his Whole book does convince him of rebellious Doctrine, as will more plainly appear in the Encounter.
24. I rather suppose that you will thinke this Encounter came too soone, when you shall perceiue how you are charged hereby with manifold abuses, both of loose lying,
24. I rather suppose that you will think this Encounter Come too soon, when you shall perceive how you Are charged hereby with manifold Abuses, both of lose lying,
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because in his Chapternext following he teacheth, that Subiects may depose them; and albeit Saint Peter taught Subiection vnto Nero a Pagane and Sauage Tyrant,
Because in his Chapternext following he Teaches, that Subjects may depose them; and albeit Saint Peter taught Subjection unto Nero a Pagan and Savage Tyrant,
yet M. Raynolds holding it to be naturam generosiorem, that is, a more generous and noble disposition to kill Tyrants, among whom he reckoned K. Henry the eight: I hereupon inferred, that the scope of M. Raynolds his booke was to professe a doctrine rebellious:
yet M. Reynolds holding it to be naturam generosiorem, that is, a more generous and noble disposition to kill Tyrants, among whom he reckoned K. Henry the eight: I hereupon inferred, that the scope of M. Reynolds his book was to profess a Doctrine rebellious:
notwithstanding all which, M. Parsons conueigheth the matter, so cunningly and craftily, as though I had deferred all proofe vntill a Large Encounter should come foorth.
notwithstanding all which, M. Parsons conueigheth the matter, so cunningly and craftily, as though I had deferred all proof until a Large Encounter should come forth.
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to which purpose I shall desire Mr. Parsons, that wee may both betake our selues vnto our second thoughts, to consider more exactly the doctrine of Mr. Raynolds; so wee shal discerne the censure which was giuen vpon that Author,
to which purpose I shall desire Mr. Parsons, that we may both betake our selves unto our second thoughts, to Consider more exactly the Doctrine of Mr. Reynolds; so we shall discern the censure which was given upon that Author,
that in choosing any State of Gouernement, whether it be Monarchicall, or Aristocraticall, or Democraticall; The consent of all people is the voice of nature:
that in choosing any State of Government, whither it be Monarchical, or Aristocratical, or Democratical; The consent of all people is the voice of nature:
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because it is conferred vpō certain persons, by the suffrages & voices of the people; notwithstanding because that same election of Princes doth issue from nature, which God hath created,
Because it is conferred upon certain Persons, by the suffrages & voices of the people; notwithstanding Because that same election of Princes does issue from nature, which God hath created,
and for example hee produceth Henry of Nauarre, the now King of France, whom whilst hee was a Protestant M. Raynolds held to be an Hereticke, and worthy to be Excommunicated by the Pope; and consequently to be Deposed by the French Catholickes. Doe wee not now see plainely what kinde of Creature M. Raynolds his King must be, viz. such an one who shall not haue predominant power absolutely in himselfe,
and for Exampl he Produceth Henry of Navarre, the now King of France, whom while he was a Protestant M. Reynolds held to be an Heretic, and worthy to be Excommunicated by the Pope; and consequently to be Deposed by the French Catholics. Do we not now see plainly what kind of Creature M. Reynolds his King must be, viz. such an one who shall not have predominant power absolutely in himself,
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28. Least perhaps any may doubt of this collection, I shall in the next place corroborate it by the ingenuous and euident confession of their owne Doctors;
28. lest perhaps any may doubt of this collection, I shall in the next place corroborate it by the ingenuous and evident Confessi of their own Doctors;
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their Doctor Barclay (writing against these kinde of positions, and (as one obserueth) against this their Rossaeus, aliàs Reinolds, hath bestowed a whole booke vpon this argument, prouing especially that A King, although he be constituted by the people,
their Doctor Barclay (writing against these kind of positions, and (as one observeth) against this their Rossaeus, alias Reinolds, hath bestowed a Whole book upon this argument, proving especially that A King, although he be constituted by the people,
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His principall argument, to confute it, is that which their owne Marsilius hath lately vrged against Bellarmine: If (saith he) there remaine a power in the people to depose Princes,
His principal argument, to confute it, is that which their own Marsilius hath lately urged against Bellarmine: If (Says he) there remain a power in the people to depose Princes,
Now let M. Parsons gather his fiue wits into one Senate, and answere, whether this confession doe not plainly discouer, that the intendiment of M. Reinolds was to make a King a Subiect, which is as sensible an abasement of a King, as can be imagined.
Now let M. Parsons gather his fiue wits into one Senate, and answer, whither this Confessi do not plainly discover, that the intendiment of M. Reinolds was to make a King a Subject, which is as sensible an abasement of a King, as can be imagined.
and also to reproue my negligence, who deferred this Answere and Discharge, vntill the publishing of this Encounter, yet will I not forbeare to inlarge my selfe in this argument,
and also to reprove my negligence, who deferred this Answer and Discharge, until the publishing of this Encounter, yet will I not forbear to enlarge my self in this argument,
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and by a further answere vnto his next obiection, to euince the foresaid vile estimate, which M. Reinolds had concerning the State of Kings and all Temporall Estates. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
and by a further answer unto his next objection, to evince the foresaid vile estimate, which M. Reinolds had Concerning the State of Kings and all Temporal Estates. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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BVt what saith he for his (owne) defence? Vpon this presumption, if true (saith he) that Mr. Reinolds had spoken this to the debasement of Kinges, it could be no falshood in me to adde the particle [ but, ] especially being acquainted with the doctrine of Cardinal Bellarmine, who that he might disable the authority of a King, in comparison of the dignity of a Pope, doth defend that Kinges being chosen by men, are not immediately created by God:
But what Says he for his (own) defence? Upon this presumption, if true (Says he) that Mr. Reinolds had spoken this to the debasement of Kings, it could be no falsehood in me to add the particle [ but, ] especially being acquainted with the Doctrine of Cardinal Bellarmine, who that he might disable the Authority of a King, in comparison of the dignity of a Pope, does defend that Kings being chosen by men, Are not immediately created by God:
Whereunto I answere, that well he might say so, for that Christ both God and Man did institute in particular and immediarely the supreme authority of S. Peter, and his Successours,
Whereunto I answer, that well he might say so, for that christ both God and Man did institute in particular and immediarely the supreme Authority of S. Peter, and his Successors,
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30. I say with our Sauiour Christ that the Foxes haue holes, and so hath M. Parsons, who hath taken an example from the instinct of nature in the Foxe, for iustifying his Mentall Equiuocation; whose difference betweene the Popes and Princes authority from God, by Bellarmine his distinction of mediately and immediately, hath beene proued of late by their owne Marsilius to be a meere sophisticall fallacy,
30. I say with our Saviour christ that the Foxes have holes, and so hath M. Parsons, who hath taken an Exampl from the instinct of nature in the Fox, for justifying his Mental Equivocation; whose difference between the Popes and Princes Authority from God, by Bellarmine his distinction of mediately and immediately, hath been proved of late by their own Marsilius to be a mere sophistical fallacy,
and indeed no better then a Fox - hole, into which they doe creepe, who seeke by such a distinction, to diminish the Regall power, in respect of the Papall.
and indeed no better then a Fox - hold, into which they do creep, who seek by such a distinction, to diminish the Regal power, in respect of the Papal.
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I shall neede only to collect the summe of the confutation, because I presume, our Reader will not like too long Reckoning. Nauarrus, a most sound Catholike ( saith Marsilius ) houldeth that the power Laique is immediately from God, infusing in people a naturall instinct to haue a gouernement:
I shall need only to collect the sum of the confutation, Because I presume, our Reader will not like too long Reckoning. Navarre, a most found Catholic (Says Marsilius) holdeth that the power Laique is immediately from God, infusing in people a natural instinct to have a government:
] and although the manner of obtayning a Kingdome be from man, ( This proueth M. Rainolds contrary estimate of a King to haue beene but base ) yet the authority and power is immediately from God.
] and although the manner of obtaining a Kingdom be from man, (This Proves M. Reynolds contrary estimate of a King to have been but base) yet the Authority and power is immediately from God.
and other naturall dispositions be first perfected, before the soule is infused, yet will not any therefore deny, that God doth immediately infuse the reasonable soule of a man into his body.
and other natural dispositions be First perfected, before the soul is infused, yet will not any Therefore deny, that God does immediately infuse the reasonable soul of a man into his body.
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and the authority it selfe, ( An euident conuiction both of Bellarmine and M. Rainolds.) For the title vnto an authority is not without the meanes of man,
and the Authority it self, (an evident conviction both of Bellarmine and M. Reynolds.) For the title unto an Authority is not without the means of man,
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for both the manner of the one, and of the other are equally humane, neither will the Conclauists themselues suffer me to be conuinced of a lye in this point. Thus farre their owne Marsilius.
for both the manner of the one, and of the other Are equally humane, neither will the Conclauists themselves suffer me to be convinced of a lie in this point. Thus Far their own Marsilius.
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31. As for Bellarmine his imagination, who thinketh that in the vacancy of the See of Rome, by the death of the Pope, the keyes or supreme authority, is neither in the Councel,
31. As for Bellarmine his imagination, who Thinketh that in the vacancy of the See of Room, by the death of the Pope, the keys or supreme Authority, is neither in the Council,
and sometime also for Seauen, or Eight yeares together, as some haue thought, dare any Romanists conceit, that their Church was all that while destitute of the keies of spirituall Iurisdiction?
and sometime also for Seauen, or Eight Years together, as Some have Thought, Dare any Romanists conceit, that their Church was all that while destitute of the keys of spiritual Jurisdiction?
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32. Finally, because M. Parsons plaieth the flesh-flye, delighting himselfe with sucking of but seeming corruptions, I must direct him vnto the examples of his owne friendes aboue mentioned, to wit, Suarez, Bellarmine, Baronius, Boucher, Gratian, &c. in whom their owne Doctors haue spied diuers vlcerous putrefactions of true and notorious falsifications, by alleaging authours flat contrary to their meanings;
32. Finally, Because M. Parsons playeth the flesh-flye, delighting himself with sucking of but seeming corruptions, I must Direct him unto the Examples of his own Friends above mentioned, to wit, Suarez, Bellarmine, Baronius, Boucher, Gratian, etc. in whom their own Doctors have spied diverse ulcerous putrefactions of true and notorious falsifications, by alleging Authors flat contrary to their meanings;
with which loathsome matters his corrupt appetite may satiate it selfe. One example of this kinde, offereth it selfe out of Bellarmine, which I may not let passe:
with which loathsome matters his corrupt appetite may satiate it self. One Exampl of this kind, Offereth it self out of Bellarmine, which I may not let pass:
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as that which Gerson said in fauour of the authority of the Roman See, the Authour (meaning Bellarmine) changing the wordes, doth interpret as spoken in contempt.
as that which Gerson said in favour of the Authority of the Roman See, the Author (meaning Bellarmine) changing the words, does interpret as spoken in contempt.
Is this to dispute, (saith P. Paulus) or to deceiue? I know not what the Authour, (to wit, Bellarmine,) can answere. And when M. Parsons hath considered this, let him tell vs in good earnest whether he will stand vnto his owne Rule of Penance, against any one who shall be found guilty of so notorious a falshood, that he neuer be trusted hereafter? I forbeare to mention his owne falsifications,
Is this to dispute, (Says P. Paulus) or to deceive? I know not what the Author, (to wit, Bellarmine,) can answer. And when M. Parsons hath considered this, let him tell us in good earnest whither he will stand unto his own Rule of Penance, against any one who shall be found guilty of so notorious a falsehood, that he never be trusted hereafter? I forbear to mention his own falsifications,
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33. TO shew that, by their doctrine, they will pleade freedome from paying of debts vnto such persons, whom they shall excommunicate, the Glosse of a Canon was alleaged by R. S. and mistaken;
33. TO show that, by their Doctrine, they will plead freedom from paying of debts unto such Persons, whom they shall excommunicate, the Gloss of a Canon was alleged by R. S. and mistaken;
as to mistake an obiection for the resolution? We haue heard the complaint, which their owne Doctor Cumel made against certaine Romish writers, such as were the Iesuit Suarez, and others, saying, I am grieued to see how falsly they alleage Driedo, vrging that, which he spake by way of argumentation, or obiection, for his owne iudgement. And M. Parsons himselfe, who is the accuser, must necessarily runne vpon his owne blade of reproch, who called an Interrogation, made for the more sensible introduction of the matter, a crafty and hypocriticall silence and dissimulation. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
as to mistake an objection for the resolution? We have herd the complaint, which their own Doctor Cumel made against certain Romish writers, such as were the Iesuit Suarez, and Others, saying, I am grieved to see how falsely they allege Driedo, urging that, which he spoke by Way of argumentation, or objection, for his own judgement. And M. Parsons himself, who is the accuser, must necessarily run upon his own blade of reproach, who called an Interrogation, made for the more sensible introduction of the matter, a crafty and hypocritical silence and dissimulation. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
as M. Morton before to recite them Secondly, by the Commentary, or Glosse, whose wordes are plaine, Licèt excommunicatio tollat obligationem, quoad fidelitatem, non tamen quoad alios contractus:
as M. Mortonum before to recite them Secondly, by the Commentary, or Gloss, whose words Are plain, Licèt Excommunication Tollat obligationem, quoad fidelitatem, non tamen quoad Alioth Contract:
Thus doth the Glosse expound the Canon, and the scaberd doth agree with the sword, and both of them doe hurt Mr. Morton, and M. Stock, though neuer so good fencers in a badde cause. The Reueiwe.
Thus does the Gloss expound the Canon, and the scabbard does agree with the sword, and both of them do hurt Mr. Mortonum, and M. Stock, though never so good fencers in a bad cause. The Reueiwe.
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when we adioyne vnto our small force the help of their owne Card. Tolet, who citing these two Canons, to wit, Nos Sanctorum, and Canon Iuratos saith These Canons doe proceede concerning debts,
when we adjoin unto our small force the help of their own Card. Tolet, who citing these two Canonas, to wit, Nos Sanctorum, and Canon Iuratos Says These Canonas do proceed Concerning debts,
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but also driueth it to his owne pate, by controwling the audaciousnesse of his answere, wherein he denied that there is signified any non-payment of debts in this Canon. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
but also Driveth it to his own pate, by controlling the audaciousness of his answer, wherein he denied that there is signified any nonpayment of debts in this Canon. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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wherin there is no mention of debts, although, by occasion of this decree, a certaine Glosse, whichi of Bernardus de Buttono Parmensis, doth probably hould that to such a man there is not obligation of payment of debt (at leastwise of such debts as are only contracted by promises,
wherein there is no mention of debts, although, by occasion of this Decree, a certain Gloss, whichi of Bernard de Buttono Parmensis, does probably hold that to such a man there is not obligation of payment of debt (At leastwise of such debts as Are only contracted by promises,
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And to this effect also speaketh Tolet in the place here cited by M. Morton, and we haue heard before how the other Glosse of Bartbolomaeus Brixiensis held it for probable,
And to this Effect also speaks Tolet in the place Here cited by M. Mortonum, and we have herd before how the other Gloss of Bartbolomaeus Brixiensis held it for probable,
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36. Well then, their Card. Tolet, and Romane Glossers haue held it lawfull for men to with-hold their debtes contracted onely by promise (which may passe without witnesse) from persons excommunicate.
36. Well then, their Card. Tolet, and Roman Glossers have held it lawful for men to withhold their debts contracted only by promise (which may pass without witness) from Persons excommunicate.
wherefore the Romish Canon sauoureth rather of humane craft, then of good conscience; and is farre vnworthy the title of Nos Sanctorum. But let vs proceede. SECT. VI. The sixt charge taken by M. Parsons against R. S. about another Canon. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Wherefore the Romish Canon savoureth rather of humane craft, then of good conscience; and is Far unworthy the title of Nos Sanctorum. But let us proceed. SECT. VI. The sixt charge taken by M. Parsons against R. S. about Another Canon. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
37. This exception, taken from the difference of Glosses vpon the Popes Decrees, which were gathered by Gratian; and betweene the Glosse vpon the Popes Decretals, whose Authour was Bernardus de Buttono, is not worth a button:
37. This exception, taken from the difference of Glosses upon the Popes Decrees, which were gathered by Gratian; and between the Gloss upon the Popes Decretals, whose Author was Bernard de Buttono, is not worth a button:
38. Whereas the Canon of killing of Heretickes is mentioned among the Popes Decretals, authorized by Pope Gregory the ninth in my Preamble, I demaunded of M. Parsons in this manner:
38. Whereas the Canon of killing of Heretics is mentioned among the Popes Decretals, authorized by Pope Gregory the ninth in my Preamble, I demanded of M. Parsons in this manner:
If Romish ones applying this Canon ( of niurthering their kindred, &c ) against Protestants, when the Pope shall iudicially denounce them Heretickes, whether it may be called a Massacre,
If Romish ones applying this Canon (of niurthering their kindred, etc.) against Protestants, when the Pope shall judicially denounce them Heretics, whither it may be called a Massacre,
to what end can this be, but that Protestants, being in their opinion Hereticks, may haue al the penalties, which are awarded against Hereticks, executed vpon them (as Boucher and others defend before or at least (as P. R. holdeth) after denunciation of sentence? And consequently Protestants may bee by these Romish ones, without exception of sexs or kinred,
to what end can this be, but that Protestants, being in their opinion Heretics, may have all the penalties, which Are awarded against Heretics, executed upon them (as Boucher and Others defend before or At least (as P. R. holds) After denunciation of sentence? And consequently Protestants may be by these Romish ones, without exception of sexs or kindred,
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but neuer for want of Argument in this case, but by reason of astonishment to see such an Aunswere as this is, wherby any Reader (who hath any apprehension of a consequence) may see and groape,
but never for want of Argument in this case, but by reason of astonishment to see such an Answer as this is, whereby any Reader (who hath any apprehension of a consequence) may see and groape,
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For whereas the booke of the Discouery of Romish positions and practises for rebellion, was written onely to manifest in how desperate a State all Protestant Kings stood in, whensoeuer the Romish power might preuaile against them:
For whereas the book of the Discovery of Romish positions and practises for rebellion, was written only to manifest in how desperate a State all Protestant Kings stood in, whensoever the Romish power might prevail against them:
Yet now, where a demaund is made, whether it be not the full intendment and resolution of all Romish Professors, to execute your Canon of Killing Heretickes vpon Protestants, whensoeuer an expected possibility of effectuating such an exployt, shall be offered:
Yet now, where a demand is made, whither it be not the full intendment and resolution of all Romish Professors, to execute your Canon of Killing Heretics upon Protestants, whensoever an expected possibility of effectuating such an exploit, shall be offered:
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Yet so, that therein he may see sufficient matter (if there were none other argument in all the booke) to prooue M. Parsons (when he taketh vpon him the name of a Mitigator, and Sober Reckoner ) to bee no better then the deceitfull Apothecarie, who writ Apium vpon a boxe of Opium: And what is this his concealement else,
Yet so, that therein he may see sufficient matter (if there were none other argument in all the book) to prove M. Parsons (when he Takes upon him the name of a Mitigator, and Sobrium Reckoner) to be no better then the deceitful Apothecary, who writ Apium upon a box of Opium: And what is this his concealment Else,
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but a kind of confession, iustifying the former book of Discouery; the scope whereof was onely this, to proue the Romish doctrine to be a profession of Conspiracie in Protestant Kingdomes?
but a kind of Confessi, justifying the former book of Discovery; the scope whereof was only this, to prove the Romish Doctrine to be a profession of conspiracy in Protestant Kingdoms?
Sir, will you sweare to bee true vnto me likewise, or if your heart will not serue you to fight, will you promise not to betray me? and then he should heare M. Parsons answere only by calling that demaund odious, foolish and impertinent, might he not iustly suspect that hee had met with a treacherous companion,
Sir, will you swear to be true unto me likewise, or if your heart will not serve you to fight, will you promise not to betray me? and then he should hear M. Parsons answer only by calling that demand odious, foolish and impertinent, might he not justly suspect that he had met with a treacherous Companion,
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as to defend each other from forraine inuasions, and to appease and suppresse to their power, all intestine seditions and rebellions against the publique State;
as to defend each other from foreign invasions, and to appease and suppress to their power, all intestine seditions and rebellions against the public State;
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neyther durst he say yea, for then he must recant his former booke of Mitigation, and cancell the summe of this his present Reckoning, which doth make, at least, some semblance of a peaceable conuersation; and therefore he thought it a point of wisedome to call it foolish, as though he would teach vs to be as wise as doues,, whilst he and his Complices may remaine as innocent as Serpents. Here M. Parsons may bee serued indeede with a Nihil dicit, but such an one, which conteyneth in it an Omnia dicit, for it is all one as a confession of all the former charges of seditious doctrine, which I hane obiected against them.
neither durst he say yea, for then he must recant his former book of Mitigation, and cancel the sum of this his present Reckoning, which does make, At least, Some semblance of a peaceable Conversation; and Therefore he Thought it a point of Wisdom to call it foolish, as though he would teach us to be as wise as Dove,, while he and his Accomplices may remain as innocent as Serpents. Here M. Parsons may be served indeed with a Nihil dicit, but such an one, which Containeth in it an Omnia dicit, for it is all one as a Confessi of all the former charges of seditious Doctrine, which I have objected against them.
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44. I should passe on to that which followeth, but that I may not denie M. Parsons the due commendation of his wit, who finding himselfe plunged with the former Demand concerning their reall shedding and spilling of blood, dooth call this obiection impertinent, and presently diuerteth his Reader to a verball and idle contention about the difference of these two phrases Shedding and Spilling (which may be vsed promiscuously:) as though his question about wordes were pertinent, and my Demaund about deedes were Impertinent.
44. I should pass on to that which follows, but that I may not deny M. Parsons the due commendation of his wit, who finding himself plunged with the former Demand Concerning their real shedding and spilling of blood, doth call this objection impertinent, and presently diverteth his Reader to a verbal and idle contention about the difference of these two phrases Shedding and Spilling (which may be used promiscuously:) as though his question about words were pertinent, and my Demand about Deeds were Impertinent.
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45. I added in the Preamble that M. Parsons affirmed the aforesaid Canon to haue beene in the Councel of Carthage, where (said I) there is no such thing to be found:
45. I added in the Preamble that M. Parsons affirmed the aforesaid Canon to have been in the Council of Carthage, where (said I) there is no such thing to be found:
This Glosse (said M. Parsons ) or Commentary of the Canon law, is vpon a Canon beginning, Si quis, &c. which Canon is taken out of the Councel of Carthage:
This Gloss (said M. Parsons) or Commentary of the Canon law, is upon a Canon beginning, Si quis, etc. which Canon is taken out of the Council of Carthage:
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where indeede there is mention of Dis-inheriting of children, but no word at all concerning Shedding of blood: accordingly as I then intended to proue, as may well appeare. SECT. VII. The seuenth Charge.
where indeed there is mention of Disinheriting of children, but no word At all Concerning Shedding of blood: accordingly as I then intended to prove, as may well appear. SECT. VII. The Seventh Charge.
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in a general implying the Glosse, wherunto I haue answered that Gregory the thirteenth hath ratified the foresaid Glosse and Annotations, with priuiledge and authority, equiualent and answerable to the authority of the Decretals, and Extrauagants themselues.
in a general implying the Gloss, whereunto I have answered that Gregory the thirteenth hath ratified the foresaid Gloss and Annotations, with privilege and Authority, equivalent and answerable to the Authority of the Decretals, and Extravagants themselves.
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Pope Greg 13 prefixed an Epistle before the Decretals of Gratian with this title, Ad futuram rei memoriam, wherein he giueth license to Paulus Constabilis Magister sacri palaty to reuiewe the same,
Pope Greg 13 prefixed an Epistle before the Decretals of Gratian with this title, Ad futuram rei memoriam, wherein he gives license to Paulus Constabilis Magister sacri palaty to review the same,
and to print it exactly, according to the Romane example. From whence M Morton would inferre, that he commanded them to be printed without corruption, therefore he made them equall. The Reueiwe.
and to print it exactly, according to the Roman Exampl. From whence M Mortonum would infer, that he commanded them to be printed without corruption, Therefore he made them equal. The Reueiwe.
48. The former Decree of Greg. 13. standeth thus, concerning Decrees, and Glosses, the Sextum, Clementines, and Extrauagants; Which we commend (saith Pope Greg. ) vnto our beloued sonne, to be reuiewed and allowed: And a little after:
48. The former decree of Greg. 13. Stands thus, Concerning Decrees, and Glosses, the Sextus, Clementine, and Extravagants; Which we commend (Says Pope Greg.) unto our Beloved son, to be reviewed and allowed: And a little After:
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Which we command to be printed and published that the body of the Canon law may be faithfully and incorruptly printed, according to the Copie which is printed at Rome,
Which we command to be printed and published that the body of the Canon law may be faithfully and incorruptly printed, according to the Copy which is printed At Room,
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In this Constitution heere is mention of Decrees, Glosses, Sextum, Clementines, and Extrauagants, where we see that Glosses doe possesse the second place:
In this Constitution Here is mention of Decrees, Glosses, Sextus, Clementine, and Extravagants, where we see that Glosses do possess the second place:
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Therby forbidding only new Interpretations, for the old Glosses and Interpretations do stand still warranted ioyntly with the Text and body of the Canons.
Thereby forbidding only new Interpretations, for the old Glosses and Interpretations do stand still warranted jointly with the Text and body of the Canonas.
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how did he not authorize them? And who can conceiue any inequality in the Popes approbation of these things, seeing that both Decrees and Glosses, &c. are without any note of difference warranted in the same Constitution at the same time, Anno 1580. by the same power of Pope Gregory 13. and to the same end for the helpe of faithfull Christians.
how did he not authorise them? And who can conceive any inequality in the Popes approbation of these things, seeing that both Decrees and Glosses, etc. Are without any note of difference warranted in the same Constitution At the same time, Anno 1580. by the same power of Pope Gregory 13. and to the same end for the help of faithful Christians.
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and how the thing is plenarily and fully authorized by the Popes Decree, for in their last Councell of Trent it was decreed, that there should be One authenticall vulgar Edition of the Bible, which none might presume to reiect:
and how the thing is plenarily and Fully authorized by the Popes decree, for in their last Council of Trent it was decreed, that there should be One authentical Vulgar Edition of the bible, which none might presume to reject:
besides the diuers other corrupt peeces of that Translation, which, by the confession of some other Romish Doctors, haue occasioned corruption in doctrine, as elsewhere hath beene discouered.
beside the diverse other corrupt Pieces of that translation, which, by the Confessi of Some other Romish Doctors, have occasioned corruption in Doctrine, as elsewhere hath been discovered.
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IF Queene Elizabeth did approue the Printing of the English new Testament with Bczaes notes, did shee thereby equall the said notes with the Text of the Testament it selfe? Who would reason so,
IF Queen Elizabeth did approve the Printing of the English new Testament with Bczaes notes, did she thereby equal the said notes with the Text of the Testament it self? Who would reason so,
51. This Simile is dissimile, and an vnlikely comparison, for our Aduersaries know right well, that we doe not attribute vnto either King or Queene that infallibility of iudgement, which they doe vnto the Pope;
51. This Simile is dissimile, and an unlikely comparison, for our Adversaries know right well, that we do not attribute unto either King or Queen that infallibility of judgement, which they do unto the Pope;
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so that the disproportion of this comparison appeareth herein, because we discerne betweene Scriptures and the Annotations, (by whomsoeuer they be approued) as betweene the word of God, and Mans opinion. But the Romanists, who hold the iudgment of the Pope in all thinges, which he shall publikely decree for the good of all Christians, to be diuinely true, must therefore intertaine with equall faith the Decretals and Glosses, because they haue beene reuiewed and approued with the same authority.
so that the disproportion of this comparison appears herein, Because we discern between Scriptures and the Annotations, (by whomsoever they be approved) as between the word of God, and men opinion. But the Romanists, who hold the judgement of the Pope in all things, which he shall publicly Decree for the good of all Christians, to be divinely true, must Therefore entertain with equal faith the Decretals and Glosses, Because they have been reviewed and approved with the same Authority.
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52. Nay rather what neede these iugglings, which M. Parsons vseth, who knowing that the wordes of Apostata Princes were not my Additions, but the Obiection of M. Parsons owne fellow, the namelesse Authour of the Apology of the English Catholikes, cap.
52. Nay rather what need these jugglings, which M. Parsons uses, who knowing that the words of Apostata Princes were not my Additions, but the Objection of M. Parsons own fellow, the nameless Author of the Apology of the English Catholics, cap.
yet doth he wilfully runne vpon the same straine, a note beyond true sobriety, especially seeing that he also confesseth that in true sense the Glosse did extend vnto Apostata Princes.
yet does he wilfully run upon the same strain, a note beyond true sobriety, especially seeing that he also Confesses that in true sense the Gloss did extend unto Apostata Princes.
53. In the same place I furthermore iustified the relating of testimonies of Authours, according to their sense, without the precise repetition of their wordes, by the example of their owne Pope in his alleaging of Scripture Deut. 13. but M. Parsons (which is fraude indeede) hath peremptorily condemned me, without confutation,
53. In the same place I furthermore justified the relating of testimonies of Authors, according to their sense, without the precise repetition of their words, by the Exampl of their own Pope in his alleging of Scripture Deuteronomy 13. but M. Parsons (which is fraud indeed) hath peremptorily condemned me, without confutation,
54. Finally, I was so farre from iniurying the Glosse, in hope of any aduantage, that now (considering the peruersnesse of my Aduersary) I cannot but be offended with my selfe for loosing my best aduantage, in not expressing the Glosse to the full,
54. Finally, I was so Far from injurying the Gloss, in hope of any advantage, that now (considering the perverseness of my Adversary) I cannot but be offended with my self for losing my best advantage, in not expressing the Gloss to the full,
Which assertion is so grosly false, that their owne late and learned Doctors doe greatly abhorre it, as hereafter will fully appeare. SECT. VIII. The eight Inquiry.
Which assertion is so grossly false, that their own late and learned Doctors do greatly abhor it, as hereafter will Fully appear. SECT. VIII. The eight Inquiry.
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55. CAmpian, Genebrard, Canisius, and diuers other Romish Doctors with maine force fell vpon Caluin, and laide vnto his charge no lesse then impiety, heresie, and blasphemy, because of his opinion of NONLATINALPHABET Bellarmine, howsoeuer he condemned the phrase, did notwithstanding iustifie the meaning of Caluin, and iudged it to be Catholike. Which I produced to the iust reproofe of their malice, who haue so vnconscionably traduced the doctrine of Caluin. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning. I Handled this matter before:
55. Campian, Genebrard, Canisius, and diverse other Romish Doctors with main force fell upon Calvin, and laid unto his charge no less then impiety, heresy, and blasphemy, Because of his opinion of Bellarmine, howsoever he condemned the phrase, did notwithstanding justify the meaning of Calvin, and judged it to be Catholic. Which I produced to the just reproof of their malice, who have so unconscionably traduced the Doctrine of Calvin. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning. I Handled this matter before:
Why had not M. Morton so much as mentioned this condemnation by Bellarmine, seeing it imported the matter so mightily? Which is sufficient to argue the faulty minde of the corrupter. The Reuiewe.
Why had not M. Mortonum so much as mentioned this condemnation by Bellarmine, seeing it imported the matter so mightily? Which is sufficient to argue the faulty mind of the corrupter. The Reuiewe.
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Caluin called Christ NONLATINALPHABET Bellarmine condemned the phrase of Calum, but iustified his meaning against some Romish Doctors, who had wickedly imputed Heresie and Blasphemy vnto to Caluins iudgment:
Calvin called christ Bellarmine condemned the phrase of Column, but justified his meaning against Some Romish Doctors, who had wickedly imputed Heresy and Blasphemy unto to Calvin's judgement:
And M. Parsons asketh why I mentioned not Bellarmines condemnation of the phrase, as well as his iustification of the meaning? I answere, I was to deale with the kernell,
And M. Parsons asks why I mentioned not Bellarmines condemnation of the phrase, as well as his justification of the meaning? I answer, I was to deal with the kernel,
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which notwithstanding might haue beene iustified, against Bellarmine, by the equiualent phrases of auncient Fathers NONLATINALPHABET and such like, which argue M. Caluins aduersaries to be but mighty wranglers,
which notwithstanding might have been justified, against Bellarmine, by the equivalent phrases of ancient Father's and such like, which argue M. Caluins Adversaries to be but mighty wranglers,
who beeing vnable to oppose any materiall thing against me, riotteth about the omission of Hoc errore, This errour, albeit the question were only of This errour, and none other:
who being unable to oppose any material thing against me, rioteth about the omission of Hoc Error, This error, albeit the question were only of This error, and none other:
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Secondly, prouing that the same translation is iustifiable both in wordes and sense. And whereas M. Parsons in his Mitigation did vehemently pursue me, saying, I cannot easily pretermit, &c. Now in this Reckoning he is willing partly to pretermit his owne errour, calling the matter a trifling, as he vseth to doe,
Secondly, proving that the same Translation is justifiable both in words and sense. And whereas M. Parsons in his Mitigation did vehemently pursue me, saying, I cannot Easily pretermit, etc. Now in this Reckoning he is willing partly to pretermit his own error, calling the matter a trifling, as he uses to do,
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and now M. Morton hath so stretched out the matter, for that he may seeme to haue some little patronage for his errour, by the later errour of an other print. The Reuiew.
and now M. Mortonum hath so stretched out the matter, for that he may seem to have Some little patronage for his error, by the later error of an other print. The Reuiew.
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and slanderous accusation detected, he can be contented that his Reader may thinkje, that he censured me for that pretended abuse only in a word, or two, that is, not rigorously,
and slanderous accusation detected, he can be contented that his Reader may thinkje, that he censured me for that pretended abuse only in a word, or two, that is, not rigorously,
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And where is now the assurance of his vpright conscience protested in his Epistle Dedicatory? Where is his simplicity in Christ Iesus? where is his naked innocence? can this be ignorance? can this be done but of a guilty conscience? what may we beleeue of all that he saith,
And where is now the assurance of his upright conscience protested in his Epistle Dedicatory? Where is his simplicity in christ Iesus? where is his naked innocence? can this be ignorance? can this be done but of a guilty conscience? what may we believe of all that he Says,
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when he seeth himselfe intangled with such foolish trechery? Thus farre M. Parsons. And couldest thou conceiue otherwise (good Reader) by this hue and crye,
when he sees himself entangled with such foolish treachery? Thus Far M. Parsons. And Couldst thou conceive otherwise (good Reader) by this hue and cry,
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but that I had beene guilty at least of some periury or sacrilege, or blasphemy, notwithstanding now he confesseth that it is but a trifling matter, and is willing to thinke that it was vrged against me vpon a false surmise? Here we see that his trisling coleworts were first sodden in vinegre and gall,
but that I had been guilty At least of Some perjury or sacrilege, or blasphemy, notwithstanding now he Confesses that it is but a trifling matter, and is willing to think that it was urged against me upon a false surmise? Here we see that his trisling coleworts were First sodden in vinegar and Gall,
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59. Neuerthelesse, whereas M. Parsons hath not prosecuted any one taxation against me, either in his former booke of Mitigation, or in this his new Reckoning with more variety and virulency of wordes,
59. Nevertheless, whereas M. Parsons hath not prosecuted any one taxation against me, either in his former book of Mitigation, or in this his new Reckoning with more variety and virulency of words,
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then he hath done this his Trifling, rash, and lying slander, euery word peircing to the very soule, saying, Where is his conscience? where is his simplicity in Christ Iesus? where his innocencie? here is his guiltinesse,
then he hath done this his Trifling, rash, and lying slander, every word piercing to the very soul, saying, Where is his conscience? where is his simplicity in christ Iesus? where his innocence? Here is his guiltiness,
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and here his trechery: yet now shameth not to say (as though he had not greatly vrged that point against me) that he passed ouer the matter in a word, or two.
and Here his treachery: yet now shameth not to say (as though he had not greatly urged that point against me) that he passed over the matter in a word, or two.
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Much like as one, who after he had peirced a man into his braines, and stabbed him at the very hart with many a mortall wound, should excuse himselfe, saying, I gaue him but a Trifling blow, or two. SECT. XI. The eleauenth Charge.
Much like as one, who After he had pierced a man into his brains, and stabbed him At the very heart with many a Mortal wound, should excuse himself, saying, I gave him but a Trifling blow, or two. SECT. XI. The eleauenth Charge.
Which I haue answered, and (as I hope) satified: but yet M. Parsons hath found out some other odde endes to be reckoned for. Mr. PAROSNS his Reckoning.
Which I have answered, and (as I hope) satified: but yet M. Parsons hath found out Some other odd ends to be reckoned for. Mr. PAROSNS his Reckoning.
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61. Who is this that accuseth me? M. Parsons: in whose behalfe? in the behalfe of Doleman, alias, M. Parsons: for what? for accusing Mr. Parsons to haue held it a damnable sinne for any of his Catholiques to admit any Protestant vnto the Crowne of England: which notwithstanding was prooued by the force of a Syllogisme, concluding thus, Ergo Dolman, aliàs, M. Parsons held it a damnable sinne for any Romish Professour to admit a Protestant to the Crowne.
61. Who is this that Accuseth me? M. Parsons: in whose behalf? in the behalf of Doleman, alias, M. Parsons: for what? for accusing Mr. Parsons to have held it a damnable sin for any of his Catholics to admit any Protestant unto the Crown of England: which notwithstanding was proved by the force of a Syllogism, concluding thus, Ergo Dolman, alias, M. Parsons held it a damnable sin for any Romish Professor to admit a Protestant to the Crown.
Secondly this sense is so euident, that their owne Priests haue called that booke intituled Dolman, a Trayterous, Seditious and most infamous booke against the English State, which is so euident, that whosoeuer shall but reade that booke, may see that if M Parsons his own conscience could be heard speake, we should neede neyther the confession of their own Priests,
Secondly this sense is so evident, that their own Priests have called that book entitled Dolman, a Traitorous, Seditious and most infamous book against the English State, which is so evident, that whosoever shall but read that book, may see that if M Parsons his own conscience could be herd speak, we should need neither the Confessi of their own Priests,
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THis imputation was about false dealing on M. Mortons behalfe, in setting downe in generall, that All Popish Priests doe abolish the succession of all Protestant Princes, vpon the pretence of prerogatiue in Pope and people.
THis imputation was about false dealing on M. Mortons behalf, in setting down in general, that All Popish Priests do Abolah the succession of all Protestant Princes, upon the pretence of prerogative in Pope and people.
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then shal I subiect my selfe vnto him, as worthy to be condemned in all. We both remit our selues vnto our former Reckoning about this point. SECT. XIII. The thirteenth Charge.
then shall I Subject my self unto him, as worthy to be condemned in all. We both remit our selves unto our former Reckoning about this point. SECT. XIII. The thirteenth Charge.
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WHich was alleaged quite contrary to the wordes and meaning of the Authour Frisingensis, so that he was enforced to lay the fault partly vpon Doctor Tolossanus, partly to abuse the testimony of Claudius Espencaeus, and to make him say and auerre that which he doth not, but relateth out of others.
WHich was alleged quite contrary to the words and meaning of the Author Freisingensis, so that he was Enforced to lay the fault partly upon Doctor Tolossanus, partly to abuse the testimony of Claudius Espencaeus, and to make him say and aver that which he does not, but relateth out of Others.
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64. I haue much cause to thanke M. Parsons for this so plaine dealing, in saying that I haue not beene grauelled hitherto in any one imputation more then in this:
64. I have much cause to thank M. Parsons for this so plain dealing, in saying that I have not been graveled hitherto in any one imputation more then in this:
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and now since the discouerie of his craft and malignancy therein, he findeth no better euasion then to say, that my marginall cytation was not in English, as though that would be any excuse for Mr. Parsons, who vnderstandeth Latine:
and now since the discovery of his craft and malignancy therein, he finds no better evasion then to say, that my marginal cytation was not in English, as though that would be any excuse for Mr. Parsons, who understandeth Latin:
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Thirdly, that Cl. Espensaeus dooth expresly approue the Epistle of the Priests of Liege, wherein Pope Gregory the seuenth, aliâs Hildebrand is noted and reproued,
Thirdly, that Cl. Esparza doth expressly approve the Epistle of the Priests of Liege, wherein Pope Gregory the Seventh, aliâs Hildebrand is noted and reproved,
Lastly, that M. Parsons in this his new Reckoning, in saying that Espensaeus did not approue that Epistle, hath committed an irrecouerable vntruth, which will be vnto his conscience,
Lastly, that M. Parsons in this his new Reckoning, in saying that Esparza did not approve that Epistle, hath committed an irrecoverable untruth, which will be unto his conscience,
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Pope Hildebrand ( saith our Chronographer ) was excommunicate of the Bishops of Italy, for that he had defamed the Apostolique Sea with Simony, and other capitall crimes;
Pope Hildebrand (Says our Chronographer) was excommunicate of the Bishops of Italy, for that he had defamed the Apostolic Sea with Simony, and other capital crimes;
66. My discharge was taken from the wordes of Shaffnaburgensis, Which are these: After that the fame had gone thorowut Italy, that K. Henry had set foote within the coasts, All the Bishops of Italy did flocke vnto him, congratulating his comming,
66. My discharge was taken from the words of Shaffnaburgensis, Which Are these: After that the fame had gone thorowut Italy, that K. Henry had Set foot within the coasts, All the Bishops of Italy did flock unto him, congratulating his coming,
That they feared not the Popes excommunication, whom all the Bishops of Italy for iust cause had excommunicated, who had by violence obteyned the Sea Apostolike by Symoniac all heresie, had defiled the same by murthers and adulteries, and other capitall crimes.
That they feared not the Popes excommunication, whom all the Bishops of Italy for just cause had excommunicated, who had by violence obtained the Sea Apostolic by Symoniac all heresy, had defiled the same by murders and adulteries, and other capital crimes.
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67. Thus the Bishops of Italy (by the testimony of Shaffnaburgensis ) behaued themselues against Hildebrand, and this was the onely matter, which I proposed as worthy of proofe:
67. Thus the Bishops of Italy (by the testimony of Shaffnaburgensis) behaved themselves against Hildebrand, and this was the only matter, which I proposed as worthy of proof:
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for as I then said, The point now in question is, whether this Author Lambertus Schaffnaburg. did thinke that those Bishops of Italy had condemned this Pope Gregory (for whether they did it iustly or vniustly, is the second question) for such crimes,
for as I then said, The point now in question is, whither this Author Lambertus Schaffnaburg. did think that those Bishops of Italy had condemned this Pope Gregory (for whither they did it justly or unjustly, is the second question) for such crimes,
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but the true question is, whether Lambertus supposing such a thing had beene done, were of opinion, that it was iustly or iniustly, rightly or wrongfully done,
but the true question is, whither Lambertus supposing such a thing had been done, were of opinion, that it was justly or injustly, rightly or wrongfully done,
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for otherwise he should impertinently be brought in for the condemnation of Pope Gregory: for so much as if he had beene wrongfully and iniuriously so condemned, it would haue beene more for his praise,
for otherwise he should impertinently be brought in for the condemnation of Pope Gregory: for so much as if he had been wrongfully and injuriously so condemned, it would have been more for his praise,
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as by the examples of S. Athanas. S. Chrysoft. and other holy men so condemned by multitudes of eyther bad, or deceiued Bishops, may appeare. The Reuiew.
as by the Examples of S. Athanasius S. Chrysoft. and other holy men so condemned by Multitudes of either bad, or deceived Bishops, may appear. The Reuiew.
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albeit the same Historian doe in his iudgement condemne them? We reade of certaine Princes who accused Daniel, for transgressing the Kings commandement, in praying thrise a day vnto God,
albeit the same Historian do in his judgement condemn them? We read of certain Princes who accused daniel, for transgressing the Kings Commandment, in praying thrice a day unto God,
and not onely vnto King Darius (according as the King had inioyned:) had it not been lawfull for the godly Iewes of those times, to haue collected from the report of those Princes, concerning Daniel, that he was a deuout man, in praying vnto God? Would M. Parsons, if he had liued in those dayes, haue said that this obseruation had beene deceitfull,
and not only unto King Darius (according as the King had enjoined:) had it not been lawful for the godly Iewes of those times, to have collected from the report of those Princes, Concerning daniel, that he was a devout man, in praying unto God? Would M. Parsons, if he had lived in those days, have said that this observation had been deceitful,
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69. M. Parsons himselfe is pleased sometimes to make vse of the relations of M. Foxe, and Holinshed, when they record any matter, which may serue his purpose, neuer regarding whether they that report such things do also reproue them.
69. M. Parsons himself is pleased sometime to make use of the relations of M. Fox, and Holinshed, when they record any matter, which may serve his purpose, never regarding whither they that report such things do also reprove them.
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But of all other men, the late Romish Apologists are they, with whom this kind of practise is most frequent and familiar, who repeat many testimonies of Authours fauouring your cause,
But of all other men, the late Romish Apologists Are they, with whom this kind of practice is most frequent and familiar, who repeat many testimonies of Authors favouring your cause,
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Wherefore if M. Parsons will make good this part of his Reckoning, then must he allow vs a new Index Expurg. for the cancelling of the principall arguments of their late Catholique Apology.
Wherefore if M. Parsons will make good this part of his Reckoning, then must he allow us a new Index Expurgate. for the cancelling of the principal Arguments of their late Catholic Apology.
for the argument which I vsed in confutation of your rebellious doctrine, was taken from the authority of the Italian Bishops (according to the confession of your Historian Lambert Schaffnaburg. ) withstanding the Popes rebellious practise;
for the argument which I used in confutation of your rebellious Doctrine, was taken from the Authority of the Italian Bishops (according to the Confessi of your Historian Lambert Schaffnaburg.) withstanding the Popes rebellious practice;
ALbeit these wordes be in Lambertus, Certalim ad cum omnes Italiae Episcopi & Comites confluebant, All Bishoppes and Earles of Italy did flocke vnto him yet that they were certaine Italian Bishops and Eatles that dwelt about the Alpes, is euident by the narration it selfe:
ALbeit these words be in Lambertus, Certalim ad cum omnes Italiae Bishops & Comites confluebant, All Bishops and Earls of Italy did flock unto him yet that they were certain Italian Bishops and Eatles that dwelled about the Alps, is evident by the narration it self:
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for the very next precedent wordes, left out by M. Morton, are, Superatis asper. rupib. iam intra Italiae fines consistere, certatim ad cum omnes Italiae Episcopi.
for the very next precedent words, left out by M. Mortonum, Are, Superatis asper. rupib. iam intra Italiae fines consistere, Competitively ad cum omnes Italiae Bishops.
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After that it was vnderstood that the Emperour had ouercome the high rockes, and was within the borders of Italy, all the Italian Bishops and Earles flocked vnto him.
After that it was understood that the Emperor had overcome the high Rocks, and was within the borders of Italy, all the Italian Bishops and Earls flocked unto him.
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they hated Pope Gregory, as him that had suspended them from Ecclesiasticall Communion And a little after setting downe the clause of suspension, especially of Clergie men, to haue beene of them whom Pope Gregory had forbid marriage, to wit, some of Lombardie about the Alpes:
they hated Pope Gregory, as him that had suspended them from Ecclesiastical Communion And a little After setting down the clause of suspension, especially of Clergy men, to have been of them whom Pope Gregory had forbid marriage, to wit, Some of Lombardy about the Alps:
72. I grant that the word Al vseth to be taken in Authors in a double signification, to wit, eyther betokening a Generality, that is, All for the most part;
72. I grant that the word All uses to be taken in Authors in a double signification, to wit, either betokening a Generality, that is, All for the most part;
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now if this may be euidently prooued to be M. Parsons both aduerse and peruerse exception against me, I suppose our Reader hereby will discerne, that if his charity and his truth be put in true ballances, they will weigh both alike, iust nothing at all.
now if this may be evidently proved to be M. Parsons both adverse and perverse exception against me, I suppose our Reader hereby will discern, that if his charity and his truth be put in true balances, they will weigh both alike, just nothing At all.
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For I was so farre from arguing from the word All, either vniuersally, or generally, that in reasoning from that testimony I left out the word, All, and said indefinitely, The Bishops of Italy. And this M. Parsons himselfe was not ignorant off, who reporteth my wordes in his Mitigation, thus, Gregory was excommunicate by the Bishops of Italy:
For I was so Far from arguing from the word All, either universally, or generally, that in reasoning from that testimony I left out the word, All, and said indefinitely, The Bishops of Italy. And this M. Parsons himself was not ignorant off, who Reporteth my words in his Mitigation, thus, Gregory was excommunicate by the Bishops of Italy:
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And (although I could not, in repeating the testimony of Lambert, but sometimes vse his word, All, ) yet in my inference and conclusion I pretermitted the word, All, and was contented to say, The Bishops of Italy did excommunicate the Pope.
And (although I could not, in repeating the testimony of Lambert, but sometime use his word, All,) yet in my Inference and conclusion I pretermitted the word, All, and was contented to say, The Bishops of Italy did excommunicate the Pope.
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The case stood much alike, as if our future Historiographers, in setting downe the story of the first comming of our dread Soueraigne King Iames into England, should say thus:
The case stood much alike, as if our future Historiographers, in setting down the story of the First coming of our dread Sovereign King James into England, should say thus:
And when that his Maiesty was arriued at Barwicke, and after approached towardes Newarke vpon Trent, the Nobles of the land went to meete him for to congratulate his,
And when that his Majesty was arrived At Barwicke, and After approached towards Newark upon Trent, the Nobles of the land went to meet him for to congratulate his,
I thinke that the Reader would hould it to be a fond comment to collect hereupon, that by Nobles of the land, were therefore meant only the Northeren Lordes,
I think that the Reader would hold it to be a found comment to collect hereupon, that by Nobles of the land, were Therefore meant only the Northern lords,
Mr. Morton corrupteth the Text of Lambert, by putting in Quia, for, Qui, and saying that the Bishops of Italy did excommunicate the Pope [ Quia ] because he had defiled the Apostolike See by Simony and other crimes, (as though that had beene a cause) in stead of Qui, that is, who had defiled the Apostolike See. The Reuiew.
Mr. Mortonum corrupteth the Text of Lambert, by putting in Quia, for, Qui, and saying that the Bishops of Italy did excommunicate the Pope [ Quia ] Because he had defiled the Apostolic See by Simony and other crimes, (as though that had been a cause) in stead of Qui, that is, who had defiled the Apostolic See. The Reuiew.
74. What a lustfull appetite hath M. Parsons to slander his aduersaries? For if I should say that the Iudges of England doe condemne Romish Priests [ Qui ] that is, Who are found guilty of treason, hath it any other sense then this;
74. What a lustful appetite hath M. Parsons to slander his Adversaries? For if I should say that the Judges of England do condemn Romish Priests [ Qui ] that is, Who Are found guilty of treason, hath it any other sense then this;
The Iudges of England doe condemne Romish Priests, [ Quia ] that is, Because they are guilty of treason? And that it is so in Lambert, I desire no other euidence then the very wordes of the Author himselfe, where he saith that the Pope expostulating the matter, said that the Emperour and his fauourites had accused him of attayning vnto the Sea Apostolike, by Simonicall heresie,
The Judges of England do condemn Romish Priests, [ Quia ] that is, Because they Are guilty of treason? And that it is so in Lambert, I desire no other evidence then the very words of the Author himself, where he Says that the Pope expostulating the matter, said that the Emperor and his favourites had accused him of attaining unto the Sea Apostolic, by Simoniacal heresy,
euen as contrarily it happened vnto the Latin Romish translation in Matth. 6. v. 5. Qui amant, for, Quià amant: as their owne Iesuit Maldonate doth confesse. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
even as contrarily it happened unto the Latin Romish Translation in Matthew 6. v. 5. Qui amant, for, Quià amant: as their own Iesuit Maldonate does confess. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
and intruded by fraude, &c. but urspergensis related that such words were vttered, against Pope Gregory, by the enimies of the Pope, by the commaundement of Henry in a forme of a Councel or Synode of thirty Bishops of Brixia: but that urspergensis did affirme any thing of it or approue the same, is not found, but rather the quite contrary:
and intruded by fraud, etc. but Urspurgensis related that such words were uttered, against Pope Gregory, by the enemies of the Pope, by the Commandment of Henry in a Form of a Council or Synod of thirty Bishops of Brescia: but that Urspurgensis did affirm any thing of it or approve the same, is not found, but rather the quite contrary:
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for in the very same place and page, he sheweth how these thinges were contradicted by Anselmus Bishop of Luca then liuing, a man (saith he) most excellent, learned,
for in the very same place and page, he shows how these things were contradicted by Anselm Bishop of Lucano then living, a man (Says he) most excellent, learned,
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75. What estimate Urspergensis had of the Papall claime, especially ouer Kinges, M. Parsons his owne conscience can tell, who hath called Vrspergensis a Schismaticall writer, because of his opposition against the Popes vsurped iurisdiction at that time,
75. What estimate Urspurgensis had of the Papal claim, especially over Kings, M. Parsons his own conscience can tell, who hath called Vespergensis a Schismatical writer, Because of his opposition against the Popes usurped jurisdiction At that time,
Whether therefore Vrspergensis meant to yeeld rather vnto the Decree of those thirty Bishops, or vnto the single testimony of Anselmus, I remit it vnto M. Parsons his second consideration to iudge off,
Whither Therefore Vespergensis meant to yield rather unto the decree of those thirty Bishops, or unto the single testimony of Anselm, I remit it unto M. Parsons his second consideration to judge off,
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after that he hath obserued that, which followeth a little after in the same Authour Vrspergensis, where he writeth concerning Rodulph Duke of Burgundy ( whome Pope Gregory the seauenth,
After that he hath observed that, which follows a little After in the same Author Vespergensis, where he Writeth Concerning Rudolph Duke of Burgundy (whom Pope Gregory the Seventh,
as Sigebert writeth, caused to proclaime himselfe Emperour, and to take armes against the Emperour Henry the fourth ) that the same Rodulph in a battaile against the true Emperour, hauing his right hand cut off,
as Sigebert Writeth, caused to proclaim himself Emperor, and to take arms against the Emperor Henry the fourth) that the same Rudolph in a battle against the true Emperor, having his right hand Cut off,
Afterwardes he telleth vs of the Emperours going to Rome, and of the Romans yeelding vnto him, and abdicating Pope Gregory, because he refused to appeare before the Emperour:
Afterwards he Telleth us of the emperors going to Room, and of the Romans yielding unto him, and abdicating Pope Gregory, Because he refused to appear before the Emperor:
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How can M Morton cite Binius contrary to his owne iudgement, who calleth these Councels Conciliabula, that is, factious and schismaticall conspiracies? The Reueiwe.
How can M Mortonum Cite Binius contrary to his own judgement, who calls these Counsels Conciliabula, that is, factious and Schismatical conspiracies? The Reueiwe.
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for in the margent I expressed his meaning to the full in these wordes, Although Binius (said I) called these Councels Conciliabula; that which was to be euicted from Binius, was his acknowledgment that such and so many Assemblies of Bishops (which carried the generall name of Councels) had condemned Pope Gregory. As for the censure of Binius, a late Romish Doctor of this present age,
for in the margin I expressed his meaning to the full in these words, Although Binius (said I) called these Counsels Conciliabula; that which was to be evicted from Binius, was his acknowledgment that such and so many Assemblies of Bishops (which carried the general name of Counsels) had condemned Pope Gregory. As for the censure of Binius, a late Romish Doctor of this present age,
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then may the censure which Doctor Stapleton vseth against the Councell of Basill, when he calleth it Conciliabulum Schismaticum, according vnto our Aduersaries guise of reiecting all other Councels, as oft as they conclude any thing against the pretended authority of the Pope. As for the authority of the foure Councels against Pope Gregory, we may be better directed by Sigebert and Benno, and other Historiographers, who liued in or about those times of Gregory, and iustified those Councels.
then may the censure which Doctor Stapleton uses against the Council of Basil, when he calls it Conciliabulum Schismaticum, according unto our Adversaries guise of rejecting all other Counsels, as oft as they conclude any thing against the pretended Authority of the Pope. As for the Authority of the foure Counsels against Pope Gregory, we may be better directed by Sigebert and Benno, and other Historiographers, who lived in or about those times of Gregory, and justified those Counsels.
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and are againe by him repeated in his sixt Chapter of his new Reckoning. CHAP. I. Conteining an Answer vnto his first eight charges. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
and Are again by him repeated in his sixt Chapter of his new Reckoning. CHAP. I Containing an Answer unto his First eight charges. Mr. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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THe sixt Chapter conteineth a Recapitulation of many manifest vntrueths, wherewith M. Morton being charged, did willingly pretermit to answer them in his last Replie,
THe sixt Chapter Containeth a Recapitulation of many manifest untruths, wherewith M. Mortonum being charged, did willingly pretermit to answer them in his last Reply,
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1. SUspicious men are malicious, if the Proverbe say true, which M. Parsons (I feare) doth now verifie, who knowing that I was in hand with an other booke, which was of greater moment than are all his libellious Treatises,
1. SUspicious men Are malicious, if the Proverb say true, which M. Parsons (I Fear) does now verify, who knowing that I was in hand with an other book, which was of greater moment than Are all his libellous Treatises,
2 With a good will, Maister Parsons, but first I would trie whether I did single out the Weakest accusations, and such as were not so vehemently pressed.
2 With a good will, Master Parsons, but First I would try whither I did single out the Weakest accusations, and such as were not so vehemently pressed.
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will euer any Reader credit him hereafter? These and other such like Emblemes and flowers of M. Parsons his Rheterique may giue our Reader a sent and sense of his extream Vehemency, which is strong & ranck,
will ever any Reader credit him hereafter? These and other such like Emblems and flowers of M. Parsons his Rheterique may give our Reader a sent and sense of his extreme Vehemency, which is strong & rank,
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FOr proofe that hersie may be without obstinacy, he citeth in his margent Vasquez Iesuit, whose words are, Malitia huius peccati in intellectu, non in voluntate perficitur, that is, The malice of the sinne of heresie is perfected in the vnderstanding.
FOr proof that hersie may be without obstinacy, he citeth in his margin Vasquez Iesuit, whose words Are, Malitia Huius peccati in intellectu, non in voluntate perficitur, that is, The malice of the sin of heresy is perfected in the understanding.
and knowing that the formall perfection of euery thing giveth the Denomination vnto the subiect, I did inferre not as his (for this indeed had beene an iniury) but as mine owne consequence, viz. that we may conclude of Heresie, as it is an error in the minde, without respect of Obstinacie, which is a peruersnesse in the will.
and knowing that the formal perfection of every thing gives the Denomination unto the Subject, I did infer not as his (for this indeed had been an injury) but as mine own consequence, viz. that we may conclude of Heresy, as it is an error in the mind, without respect of Obstinacy, which is a perverseness in the will.
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Which libertie of arguing, from an Aduersaries proposition, against his conclusion, is granted vnto any, by the law of all schooles, especially whensoeuer the proposition,
Which liberty of arguing, from an Adversaries proposition, against his conclusion, is granted unto any, by the law of all Schools, especially whensoever the proposition,
As for example Bellarmine, in defence of Transubstantiation, saith that the counersion of the bread into the bodie of Christ, is not wrought by production of the bodie of Christ out of the bread,
As for Exampl Bellarmine, in defence of Transubstantiation, Says that the counersion of the bred into the body of christ, is not wrought by production of the body of christ out of the bred,
Some Romish Authours apprehending this position of Adduction, did plainely conclude against Bellermine his conclusion, saying that so it shall not be a Transubstantiation, but a Transtocation. Playing vpon his Antecedent by their owne conscequence. Thus much for my conscience.
some Romish Authors apprehending this position of Adduction, did plainly conclude against Bellarmine his conclusion, saying that so it shall not be a Transubstantiation, but a Transtocation. Playing upon his Antecedent by their own conscequence. Thus much for my conscience.
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4 Concerning the cause I haue no way offended, but in distinguishing of Heresie, in respect of a double Court, Poli & fors, that is, of Inward before God,
4 Concerning the cause I have no Way offended, but in distinguishing of Heresy, in respect of a double Court, Polis & fors, that is, of Inward before God,
And the whole controuersie then betweene vs being about the outward apparence of an Hereticke, I hold, in that respect, Obstinacy to bee the propertie of an Heretike;
And the Whole controversy then between us being about the outward appearance of an Heretic, I hold, in that respect, Obstinacy to be the property of an Heretic;
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If therefore this first point haue in it (as M. Parsons saith) more difficultie than many others, layd togither, then may we prognosticate that M. Parsons will be in others manifoldly absurd,
If Therefore this First point have in it (as M. Parsons Says) more difficulty than many Others, laid together, then may we prognosticate that M. Parsons will be in Others manifoldly absurd,
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5 M. Parsons knoweth right well that I needed not to omit this word, pertinacitèr, to make his Professors odious, who multiplied other farre more odious positions than this, such as were the accounting of euery one an obstinate heretike, that maint eineth anything contrary to the Church of Rome:
5 M. Parsons Knoweth right well that I needed not to omit this word, pertinaciter, to make his Professors odious, who multiplied other Far more odious positions than this, such as were the accounting of every one an obstinate heretic, that maint eineth anything contrary to the Church of Rome:
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together with their Bulla coena vpon Maundie-Thursday, curssing and excommunicating all heretikes (among whom they recken Protestants) ioyntly with all their Fauorites or Commenders of their behauiors, which,
together with their Bulla Coena upon Maundie-Thursday, cursing and excommunicating all Heretics (among whom they reckon Protestants) jointly with all their Favorites or Commenders of their behaviours, which,
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for the odiousnesse of them, he cunningly pretermittcd, and yet noteth me of craft, for the omission of pertinacitèr. As though the defending of an vntrueth wittingly and willingly did not emphatically enough implie that it was done obstinately, according to the saving of our Sauiour Christ, in condemning the obstinacie of the lewes, notwithstanding he did say no more but How ost would I haue gathered you, &c. but you would not? Finally,
for the odiousness of them, he cunningly pretermittcd, and yet notes me of craft, for the omission of pertinaciter. As though the defending of an untruth wittingly and willingly did not emphatically enough imply that it was done obstinately, according to the Saving of our Saviour christ, in condemning the obstinacy of the lewes, notwithstanding he did say no more but How ost would I have gathered you, etc. but you would not? Finally,
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because I am willing to satisfie M. Parsons to the full, if he be offended for want of pertinacitèr, let him put in his Reckening pertinacissimè, if he will, it shall not displease me.
Because I am willing to satisfy M. Parsons to the full, if he be offended for want of pertinaciter, let him put in his Reckoning pertinacissimè, if he will, it shall not displease me.
THe case was, whether a man comming from Couentrie, which is held to be infected with the plague, which the man himselfe dwelling in a part of the citie, which is not infected,
THe case was, whither a man coming from Coventry, which is held to be infected with the plague, which the man himself Dwelling in a part of the City, which is not infected,
and citeth Azorius, as though he had said of this case, Nihil tàm falsum, &c. where he saith that we may not feine words of our selues in an oath without circumstances, &c. But Azorius in his third Rule;
and citeth azorius, as though he had said of this case, Nihil tàm falsum, etc. where he Says that we may not feign words of our selves in an oath without Circumstances, etc. But azorius in his third Rule;
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6 M. Parsons can not denie, but after that Azorius had propounded diuers obiections concerning Equiuocating clauses, whereof that of this Case was one, he doth applie vnto them two kinde of answers.
6 M. Parsons can not deny, but After that azorius had propounded diverse objections Concerning Equivocating clauses, whereof that of this Case was one, he does apply unto them two kind of answers.
and so much the rather, because I saw there is the foundation of M. Parsons Defence of Equiuocation ouerthrowen, where Azorius calleth it a lie for a man,
and so much the rather, Because I saw there is the Foundation of M. Parsons Defence of Equivocation overthrown, where azorius calls it a lie for a man,
But let vs take the Resolution of Azorius, as it is deliuered in his third Rule, and his reason of the approbation of that case, doth confute M. Parsons ground of Equiuocating:
But let us take the Resolution of azorius, as it is Delivered in his third Rule, and his reason of the approbation of that case, does confute M. Parsons ground of Equivocating:
and therefore by either of them might haue been indifferently vsed, especially by the way of pareuthesis. And that I would not so far transgtesse, the Margent may beare me witnesse, wherein Azorius owne expresse words are set downe.
and Therefore by either of them might have been indifferently used, especially by the Way of pareuthesis. And that I would not so Far transgtesse, the Margin may bear me witness, wherein azorius own express words Are Set down.
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8 But such and so great good will M. Parsons doth beare me, that he had rather produce me for a falsificator, than acknowledge the trueth of the thing,
8 But such and so great good will M. Parsons does bear me, that he had rather produce me for a falsificator, than acknowledge the truth of the thing,
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And To haue doubted, in stead of, NOT doubted. To signifie Continencie, in stead of, NOT to signifie Continency. And Twice, for, NOT Twice. And The wall, in stead of, NOT the wall. And, It shall bee perpetuall, in stead of, It shall NOT be perpetuall. And, Let it be reiected, in stead of, Let it NOT bee reiected. And They might haue obeied, in stead of, They might NOT haue obeied. And, If our heart shall condemne vs, in stead of, If it shall NOT condemne vs: And (not to labour vpon trifles) many such like erroneous omissions of the Negatiue NON.
And To have doubted, in stead of, NOT doubted. To signify Continency, in stead of, NOT to signify Continency. And Twice, for, NOT Twice. And The wall, in stead of, NOT the wall. And, It shall be perpetual, in stead of, It shall NOT be perpetual. And, Let it be rejected, in stead of, Let it NOT be rejected. And They might have obeyed, in stead of, They might NOT have obeyed. And, If our heart shall condemn us, in stead of, If it shall NOT condemn us: And (not to labour upon trifles) many such like erroneous omissions of the Negative NON.
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Which seene, I doubt not but M. Parsons will now play Ployden, and grant that such errors may accidentally happen without falsifying and iugling. SECT. V. The summe of M. PARSONS his fourth charge.
Which seen, I doubt not but M. Parsons will now play Ployden, and grant that such errors may accidentally happen without falsifying and juggling. SECT. V. The sum of M. PARSONS his fourth charge.
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HE would proue out of Azorius that Equiuocating in an oth is periurie, when as Azorius putteth downe many examples, wherein the swearer may take an oth in his owne sense,
HE would prove out of azorius that Equivocating in an oath is perjury, when as azorius putteth down many Examples, wherein the swearer may take an oath in his own sense,
9 The diverse examples, which you name, haue beene already discussed, but there is one example, which proueth M. Parsons his description of Equiuocating a flar lie,
9 The diverse Examples, which you name, have been already discussed, but there is one Exampl, which Proves M. Parsons his description of Equivocating a flar lie,
Therefore wheresoeuer the outward words doe not carrie that ambiguity of sense, wherein they are vsed (for of this kinde onely we do dispute) it is, in Azorius his iudgement, to be reckoned for a lie. Yea,
Therefore wheresoever the outward words do not carry that ambiguity of sense, wherein they Are used (for of this kind only we do dispute) it is, in azorius his judgement, to be reckoned for a lie. Yea,
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It might therefore haue become M. Parsons to haue spared his bitter Invectiue against me, vntill hee haue first reconciled himselfe with Azorius. SECT. VI. M. PARSONS his fift charge. The summe of his Reckoning.
It might Therefore have become M. Parsons to have spared his bitter Invective against me, until he have First reconciled himself with azorius. SECT. VI. M. PARSONS his fift charge. The sum of his Reckoning.
11 But that he should stampe vpon this also the title of falshood, it argueth that he doth looke vpon his Aduersaries writings with an oculus nequam: for if any will aske M. Parsons, whether Affected, or Grosse ignorance be worse;
11 But that he should stamp upon this also the title of falsehood, it argue that he does look upon his Adversaries writings with an oculus nequam: for if any will ask M. Parsons, whither Affected, or Gross ignorance be Worse;
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Now then, in as much as I sayd not that the Romanists meant to draw Protestants into the sentence and condemnation of Heresie, and consequently into their extreme Censures, and vengeance against them for Grosse ignorance, which is the lesse fault,
Now then, in as much as I said not that the Romanists meant to draw Protestants into the sentence and condemnation of Heresy, and consequently into their extreme Censures, and vengeance against them for Gross ignorance, which is the less fault,
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but for Affected ignorance, which M. Parsons calleth The most culpable (albeit the word, Grosse as he sheweth did allow me to aggrauate their malice against vs) with what minde could he call this difference a falshood, whereof the matter it selfe freeth me so cleerely? For as I haue been but too fauourable to our Aduersaries, in lessening their malice,
but for Affected ignorance, which M. Parsons calls The most culpable (albeit the word, Gross as he shows did allow me to aggravate their malice against us) with what mind could he call this difference a falsehood, whereof the matter it self freeth me so clearly? For as I have been but too favourable to our Adversaries, in lessening their malice,
so haue I not been vnfaithfull to the cause, for M. Parsons will not denie this to be their doctrine, that Affected ignorance in matters of faith doth argue a man to be an heretike.
so have I not been unfaithful to the cause, for M. Parsons will not deny this to be their Doctrine, that Affected ignorance in matters of faith does argue a man to be an heretic.
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for he speaketh no one word of gathering Councels, or comparison of spirituall authoritie between the Pope and Emperour, concerning their gathering of Councels or Synods,
for he speaks no one word of gathering Counsels, or comparison of spiritual Authority between the Pope and Emperor, Concerning their gathering of Counsels or Synods,
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part. 3. chap. 10. pag. 27.) I did not produce the testimonie of Barkley for the point of Gathering of Councels, but for the generall matter of Temporall subiection due vnto Emperours by all persons. Which Argument Barkley prosecureth at large in the place alleged, being lib. 6. cap. 26. pag. 521. confuring the common answer, which is vsed by the Romanists, which is this;
part. 3. chap. 10. page. 27.) I did not produce the testimony of Barkley for the point of Gathering of Counsels, but for the general matter of Temporal subjection due unto emperors by all Persons. Which Argument Barkley prosecureth At large in the place alleged, being lib. 6. cap. 26. page. 521. confuring the Common answer, which is used by the Romanists, which is this;
that Although Christ, and Iohn Baptist, and other Apostles did not teach that wicked Kings ought to be remoued in the first plantation of the Church among Infidels,
that Although christ, and John Baptist, and other Apostles did not teach that wicked Kings ought to be removed in the First plantation of the Church among Infidels,
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yet afterwards this was the doctrine, when Kings should become noursing Fathers. Their owne Barkley in the sentence which was alleged confuteth that thus:
yet afterwards this was the Doctrine, when Kings should become nursing Father's. Their own Barkley in the sentence which was alleged confuteth that thus:
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13 Who yet againe in his late booke, Depotestate Pontificis, writing professedly against Bellarmine (by whom the Pope is held to haue a supreme power Indirectly in temporall causes) doth cap. 34. argue thus:
13 Who yet again in his late book, Depotestate Pontiff, writing professedly against Bellarmine (by whom the Pope is held to have a supreme power Indirectly in temporal Causes) does cap. 34. argue thus:
The drift of Bellarmine is wholly against M. Mortons assertion, for that he denieth that euen the Emperour had any spirituall authority for calling of Councels,
The drift of Bellarmine is wholly against M. Mortons assertion, for that he Denieth that even the Emperor had any spiritual Authority for calling of Counsels,
and therefore acknowledging them to be temporall Lords, he did make supplication vnto them, to command Synods to be gathered by their authoritie and licence.
and Therefore acknowledging them to be temporal lords, he did make supplication unto them, to command Synods to be gathered by their Authority and licence.
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But since those times (saith Bellarmine) Omnes iste causae mutatae sunt All those causes were changed, The Pope himselfe being now a temporall all Lord also,
But since those times (Says Bellarmine) Omnes iste causae Mutatae sunt All those Causes were changed, The Pope himself being now a temporal all Lord also,
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as other Kings and Princes are, which was brought to passe (saith he) by Gods prouidence, that he might haue more freedome and libertie to exercise his Pastorship. The Reuiew.
as other Kings and Princes Are, which was brought to pass (Says he) by God's providence, that he might have more freedom and liberty to exercise his Pastorship. The Reuiew.
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15 This relation of M. Parsons is very true, and my drift was only to shew how that Popes were anciently subiect in temporall matters, which is Bellarmins flat assertion:
15 This Relation of M. Parsons is very true, and my drift was only to show how that Popes were anciently Subject in temporal matters, which is Bellarmins flat assertion:
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Let vs consider the varietie of sleights and shifts, which this our Minister hathvsed, first hauing said that generall Councels were not gathered without the Emperours cost, he addeth presently of his owne [ and with their consent, ] which is not in the Latine. The Reuiew.
Let us Consider the variety of sleights and shifts, which this our Minister hathvsed, First having said that general Counsels were not gathered without the emperors cost, he adds presently of his own [ and with their consent, ] which is not in the Latin. The Reuiew.
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Yet this deuout olde man feareth not to say that I added these words of mine owne, albeit he himselfe confesseth the necessitie that then was to haue the Emperours consent. This is my kinde Reckoner. But let him proceed. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Yet this devout old man fears not to say that I added these words of mine own, albeit he himself Confesses the necessity that then was to have the emperors consent. This is my kind Reckoner. But let him proceed. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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17 I alwaies thought it lawfull for mee to make vse of an Aduersaries confessed conclusion, such as this is ( Popes were formerly subiect vnto Emperours ) without the expressing of his causes, especially seeing that the causes (whatsoeuer they were) are likewise confessed to haue beene since changed. Was little Dauid to blame for cutting off Goliah his head, with Goliahs his owne sword,
17 I always Thought it lawful for me to make use of an Adversaries confessed conclusion, such as this is (Popes were formerly Subject unto emperors) without the expressing of his Causes, especially seeing that the Causes (whatsoever they were) Are likewise confessed to have been since changed. Was little David to blame for cutting off Goliath his head, with Goliath's his own sword,
Bellarmine said that Popes made supplication to the Emperors, to command Synods to be gathered, which T. M. translateth that they [ would gather ] Synods;
Bellarmine said that Popes made supplication to the Emperor's, to command Synods to be gathered, which T. M. Translate that they [ would gather ] Synods;
Or as though Bellarmine did absolutely denie that Emperors had any right to gather Councels, who saith that it cannot be denied but that In Concilys generalibus indicendis, &c. that is, That the Emperor had some authority in appointing of generall Councels, and that sometimes They were gathered by Emperors.
Or as though Bellarmine did absolutely deny that Emperor's had any right to gather Counsels, who Says that it cannot be denied but that In Concilys generalibus indicendis, etc. that is, That the Emperor had Some Authority in appointing of general Counsels, and that sometime They were gathered by Emperor's.
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Or as though Bellarmine: (in denying that the Emperour hath chiefe power heerein) might not be confuted by a Doctor of the same chaire, Card. Cusanus confessing in expresse tearmes that The first eight generall Councels were gathered by Emperors;
Or as though Bellarmine: (in denying that the Emperor hath chief power herein) might not be confuted by a Doctor of the same chair, Card. Cusanus confessing in express terms that The First eight general Counsels were gathered by Emperor's;
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Thus doth M. Parsons his impotent calumniation vanish into a fancie which (if he should spie in an other) hee would call a phrensie. M. PARSONS Reckoning.
Thus does M. Parsons his impotent calumniation vanish into a fancy which (if he should spy in an other) he would call a frenzy. M. PARSONS Reckoning.
Then where Bellarmine saith, Omnes istae causae &c. All these causes were changed, he fraudulently cut off the particle, [ istae, These ] which includeth areference vnto these foure causes,
Then where Bellarmine Says, Omnes Istae causae etc. All these Causes were changed, he fraudulently Cut off the particle, [ Istae, These ] which includeth areference unto these foure Causes,
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19 If I would be as captious as M. Parsons vseth to be, I could tell him he must goe to the schoole againe to learne to English Istae: which signifieth Those and not These: but I will not imitate him in trifling. To the matter:
19 If I would be as captious as M. Parsons uses to be, I could tell him he must go to the school again to Learn to English Istae: which signifies Those and not These: but I will not imitate him in trifling. To the matter:
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There were but foure causes which Bellarmine did, or could note for the Change of the Popes Subiection, and euery one of Those, hee saith, were changed;
There were but foure Causes which Bellarmine did, or could note for the Change of the Popes Subjection, and every one of Those, he Says, were changed;
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and heare some by stander confirme it, saying, that indeed his horse is lame of All his feet, hee would not (I suppose) thereupon call him a fraudulent fellow, seeing that All the feet his horse hath are but foure, for I will not imagine that Maister Parsons his horse is a monster? I will now cease to insist any longer vpon these his foolish wranglings. 20 The cause standeth thus:
and hear Some by stander confirm it, saying, that indeed his horse is lame of All his feet, he would not (I suppose) thereupon call him a fraudulent fellow, seeing that All the feet his horse hath Are but foure, for I will not imagine that Master Parsons his horse is a monster? I will now cease to insist any longer upon these his foolish wranglings. 20 The cause Stands thus:
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but now (as it is confessed) the case is changed. Then Christian Emperours were humbly intreated to lend their helpe: now they are imperiously commanded.
but now (as it is confessed) the case is changed. Then Christian emperors were humbly entreated to lend their help: now they Are imperiously commanded.
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since they challenge authority to Depose them, which as their Barckley maintaineth is contrary vnto the disposition & the Doctrine of the Christian Church, both in,
since they challenge Authority to Depose them, which as their Barckley maintaineth is contrary unto the disposition & the Doctrine of the Christian Church, both in,
and long after Times of the Apostles. From Bellarmine he holdeth it not amisse to passe to the Iesuit Salmeron. SECT. VIII. The summe of the seuenth charge of M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
and long After Times of the Apostles. From Bellarmine he holds it not amiss to pass to the Iesuit Salmeron. SECT. VIII. The sum of the Seventh charge of M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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MAister Morton will needs shake Salmeron by the sleeue, and shew him a tricke of his art, telling vs that he allowed that the King was supreme in [ spirituall ] affaires and ordering Priests: citing Salmeron for proofe heereof;
MAister Mortonum will needs shake Salmeron by the sleeve, and show him a trick of his art, telling us that he allowed that the King was supreme in [ spiritual ] affairs and ordering Priests: citing Salmeron for proof hereof;
21 Heere I am constrained to shake M. Parsons by the sleeue, and tell him in his eare that hee hath plaied me a feate of that art, which he calleth not ably false; by opposing vnto me the sentence of Salmeron, concerning the authority of the Kings of the old Testament In spirituall affaires, and againe, in spirituall matters: seeing that the title of that Question, concerning the authoritie of Kings ouer Priests, was in the very place now obiected expresly,
21 Here I am constrained to shake M. Parsons by the sleeve, and tell him in his ear that he hath played me a feat of that art, which he calls not ably false; by opposing unto me the sentence of Salmeron, Concerning the Authority of the Kings of the old Testament In spiritual affairs, and again, in spiritual matters: seeing that the title of that Question, Concerning the Authority of Kings over Priests, was in the very place now objected expressly,
and noted only to be In ciuill causes, and not in spirituall affaires. Is not this indeed a notable falshood? But he will still be like himselfe. M. PARSONS Reckoning.
and noted only to be In civil Causes, and not in spiritual affairs. Is not this indeed a notable falsehood? But he will still be like himself. M. PARSONS Reckoning.
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Summarily thus: Whereas Salmeron said by supposition, vbiid euenisset, If it had happened that Kings had prescribed some things vnto Priests, it had beene no maruell,
Summarily thus: Whereas Salmeron said by supposition, vbiid euenisset, If it had happened that Kings had prescribed Some things unto Priests, it had been no marvel,
22 I will not contend with M. Parsons about the words, vbi id euenisset, to examine whether it signifie, by way of supposition, If it had happened; or without supposition, Whereas it had happened, seeing it may indifferently carrie both senses.
22 I will not contend with M. Parsons about the words, vbi id euenisset, to examine whither it signify, by Way of supposition, If it had happened; or without supposition, Whereas it had happened, seeing it may indifferently carry both Senses.
and not affirme that Kings in the old law had supreme authoritie ouer Priests, or no? Who can better decide this contention than Salmeron himselfe? First looke to the same place,
and not affirm that Kings in the old law had supreme Authority over Priests, or no? Who can better decide this contention than Salmeron himself? First look to the same place,
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& determinate iudgement of Salmernon in this point, hee might haue easily vnderstood this expresse sentence of Salmeron. Nunc omissâ. &c. That is, Now omitting the spirituall power (saith hee) in the law of nature,
& determinate judgement of Salmernon in this point, he might have Easily understood this express sentence of Salmeron. Nunc omissâ. etc. That is, Now omitting the spiritual power (Says he) in the law of nature,
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and he shall finde that this his learned man Salmeron, one of the first tenne of M. Parsons his order, doth confute many score of Iesuits, who since haue held the contrarie;
and he shall find that this his learned man Salmeron, one of the First tenne of M. Parsons his order, does confute many score of Iesuits, who since have held the contrary;
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and verball skirmishes, and therefore hauing obteined the cause, I passe ouer his canuasse of the word Synagoga, and the other of Populus Dei, and proceed vnto the Materials. CHAP. II. Conteining an Answer vnto other eight charges.
and verbal Skirmishes, and Therefore having obtained the cause, I pass over his canvas of the word Synagoga, and the other of Populus Dei, and proceed unto the Materials. CHAP. II Containing an Answer unto other eight charges.
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than sound Diuinity, and saith that the earthly elements were figures of the spirituall and he auenly things in the eternall and celestiall Hierusalem:
than found Divinity, and Says that the earthly elements were figures of the spiritual and he auenly things in the Eternal and celestial Jerusalem:
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Will he therefore conclude by sound Diuinity, that it was not a figure of things vpon earth, which should be fulfilled in the new Testament? Was not Manna a figure of the Eucharist,
Will he Therefore conclude by found Divinity, that it was not a figure of things upon earth, which should be fulfilled in the new Testament? Was not Manna a figure of the Eucharist,
and Circumcision a signe of our Baptisme? And Saint Paul. 1. Cor. 9. applieth that of Deut. 25. Thou shalt not muzzell the mouth of the Oxe, that laboureth,
and Circumcision a Signen of our Baptism? And Saint Paul. 1. Cor. 9. Applieth that of Deuteronomy 25. Thou shalt not muzzle the Mouth of the Ox, that Laboureth,
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and had analogie with the Sacraments, which are antitypa, and both conspire together in one Christ, as the archetypon of all, and therefore both are spirituall:
and had analogy with the Sacraments, which Are Antitype, and both conspire together in one christ, as the Archetype of all, and Therefore both Are spiritual:
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And as touching the third, we may say that the diuerse miraculous iudgements of God in former time vpon Fornicators, Murmurers, and Idolaters in Israel, are figures vnto the after-Christian world, that if wee finde not the like visible vengeances.
And as touching the third, we may say that the diverse miraculous Judgments of God in former time upon Fornicators, Murmurers, and Idolaters in Israel, Are figures unto the after-Christian world, that if we find not the like visible vengeances.
yet wee shall be sure to bee tormented in the end, because the God, who hath beene iust visibly, will bee euerlastingly iust, to punish transgressions and sinnes.
yet we shall be sure to be tormented in the end, Because the God, who hath been just visibly, will be everlastingly just, to Punish transgressions and Sins.
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3 In the next place hee exaggerateth this difference of translation, to wit, The old Testament is a figure of the new in Christ, in stead of this (as M. Parsons will haue it) The earthly kingdome (of the Iewes) was a shadow of the spirituall gouernment, that was in the Church of Christ.
3 In the next place he exaggerateth this difference of Translation, to wit, The old Testament is a figure of the new in christ, in stead of this (as M. Parsons will have it) The earthly Kingdom (of the Iewes) was a shadow of the spiritual government, that was in the Church of christ.
Both which are no more disferent, in effect, than figure and shadow, for M. Parsons confesseth that the proposition is true, that The old Testament was a figure of the new in Christ.
Both which Are no more disferent, in Effect, than figure and shadow, for M. Parsons Confesses that the proposition is true, that The old Testament was a figure of the new in christ.
There followeth in the Consequent or second proposition ( that therefore in the new the popedome is the substantiue ) which is no lesse corruptly inferred in our name; than was the Antecedent affirmed:
There follows in the Consequent or second proposition (that Therefore in the new the popedom is the substantive) which is no less corruptly inferred in our name; than was the Antecedent affirmed:
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for that we do not inferre, nor yet the Author Carerius in the said second Prop. or Consequence by him alleaged, that forsomuch as the old Testment is a figure of the new,
for that we do not infer, nor yet the Author Carerius in the said second Prop. or Consequence by him alleged, that forsomuch as the old Testament is a figure of the new,
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Nay Carerius maketh no inference at all in this place by him alleaged, but only vseth that similitude which before you haue heard, of the Sunstantiue and Adiectiue. The Reuiew.
Nay Carerius makes no Inference At all in this place by him alleged, but only uses that similitude which before you have herd, of the Sunstantiue and Adjective. The Reuiew.
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And finally the speciall drift of that booke of Carerius is nothing else but to establish a Monarchicall power of the Pope both spirituall, and temporall throughout the world.
And finally the special drift of that book of Carerius is nothing Else but to establish a Monarchical power of the Pope both spiritual, and temporal throughout the world.
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5 Dare Dolman yet againe shew his face? Which booke M. Parsons made (saith their Priest) and is a seditious booke, most trecherously intitling the Infanta of Spaine to the English crowne.
5 Dare Dolman yet again show his face? Which book M. Parsons made (Says their Priest) and is a seditious book, most treacherously entitling the Infanta of Spain to the English crown.
Which if it were truely alleaged, yet is there not heere any mention of people, or Democratical state, but only of the Common-wealth, which includeth both the Nobility and people.
Which if it were truly alleged, yet is there not Here any mention of people, or Democratical state, but only of the Commonwealth, which includeth both the Nobilt and people.
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but speaketh (as by his words we see) of a power of a Common-wealth that is deuoide of any certaine gouernment, to chuse them what forme of gouernment they like, with limitations they thinke most expedient. The Reuiew.
but speaks (as by his words we see) of a power of a Commonwealth that is devoid of any certain government, to choose them what Form of government they like, with limitations they think most expedient. The Reuiew.
6 Vpon this his conceit he complaineth of Falshoods both in alleaging the words of the Author, which are not in him, and also in inferring from them, which the words themselues will not beare.
6 Upon this his conceit he Complaineth of Falsehoods both in alleging the words of the Author, which Are not in him, and also in inferring from them, which the words themselves will not bear.
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If she can change her Gouernment, may not she alter her Gouernour? And Dolman saith in the margent of the same place, that The Common-wealth limiteth the Gouernours authority.
If she can change her Government, may not she altar her Governor? And Dolman Says in the margin of the same place, that The Commonwealth limiteth the Governors Authority.
7 Concerning the sense M. Parsons seemeth to perswade vs that Dolman (that is, M. Parsons himselfe) did allow vnto a Common-wealth onely a power to chuse a gouernment,
7 Concerning the sense M. Parsons seems to persuade us that Dolman (that is, M. Parsons himself) did allow unto a Commonwealth only a power to choose a government,
Is he not like to bewray his ignorance in reading other mens bookes, who is thus vnskilfull in his owne? For in his Dolman we read, that The Common-wealth hath authority not onely to put backe a new Inheritor vpon lawfull considerations,
Is he not like to bewray his ignorance in reading other men's books, who is thus unskilful in his own? For in his Dolman we read, that The Commonwealth hath Authority not only to put back a new Inheritor upon lawful considerations,
It is no maruell why his owne fellow exclaimed against this booke, calling it Trecherous, as though he had sentenced the Authour to be woorthy to haue his head shauen for his doctrine.
It is no marvel why his own fellow exclaimed against this book, calling it Treacherous, as though he had sentenced the Author to be worthy to have his head shaven for his Doctrine.
As for the word, Democraticall, which M. Parsons misliketh, I would but aske whether euery Common-wealth were not included, where Common-wealth in general was expressed? After this he returneth vnto Carerius his Paduan Doctor, whom I propounded as affirmmg that The high Priest of tho old Testament was Suprema in ciuill causes. SECT. III. The summe of the tenth charge, of M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
As for the word, Democratical, which M. Parsons misliketh, I would but ask whither every Commonwealth were not included, where Commonwealth in general was expressed? After this he returns unto Carerius his Paduan Doctor, whom I propounded as affirmmg that The high Priest of though old Testament was Supreme in civil Causes. SECT. III. The sum of the tenth charge, of M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
for Carerius hath them not either in words, or sense, but teachcth the plaine contrary in all his discourse, to wit, that he meaneth, in matters belonging vnto religion and Priest hood,
for Carerius hath them not either in words, or sense, but teachcth the plain contrary in all his discourse, to wit, that he means, in matters belonging unto Religion and Priest hood,
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Neither could Carerius meane so, except he should be contrary to himselfe, and therefore that clause was perfidiously thrust in by the Minister, &c. The Reuiew.
Neither could Carerius mean so, except he should be contrary to himself, and Therefore that clause was perfidiously thrust in by the Minister, etc. The Reuiew.
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the matter is, whether Carerius named, or meant that the Priests of the old law had a superiority ouer Kings in Ciuil matters. M. Parsons denieth it, I haue affirmed it,
the matter is, whither Carerius nam, or meant that the Priests of the old law had a superiority over Kings in Civil matters. M. Parsons Denieth it, I have affirmed it,
and shall now demonstrate it out of Carerius. And because M. Parsons calleth to witnesse All the discourse of Carerius, I shall craue so much leaue of my Reader,
and shall now demonstrate it out of Carerius. And Because M. Parsons calls to witness All the discourse of Carerius, I shall crave so much leave of my Reader,
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9 Carerius in his booke ca. 9. laieth downe this position, that The Pope hath by diuine law most full power throughout the world, Tùm in rebus Ecclesiasticis, tùm in Politicis, that is, both in Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill things.
9 Carerius in his book circa 9. Layeth down this position, that The Pope hath by divine law most full power throughout the world, Tùm in rebus Ecclesiasticis, tùm in Politicis, that is, both in Ecclesiastical and Civil things.
And this is the expresse and direct subiect of that discourse, which he laboureth to prooue (professedly against Ballarmine ) from Canonists, from Decrees of Popes, from Reasons, vntill he come to the 13. chap. concluding therein,
And this is the express and Direct Subject of that discourse, which he Laboureth to prove (professedly against Ballarmine) from Canonists, from Decrees of Popes, from Reasons, until he come to the 13. chap. concluding therein,
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He pursueth the same point vnto the 18. chap. wherein we now insist, where he seeketh to remooue an Obiection, which was made against his former conclusion of the Popes authority in Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill matters.
He pursueth the same point unto the 18. chap. wherein we now insist, where he seeks to remove an Objection, which was made against his former conclusion of the Popes Authority in Ecclesiastical and Civil matters.
I say (saith he) that euen in the old Testment the high Priest was aboue the King, which I proue out of Num. 27, where it is sayd that at the word of the high Priest Iosuah the Prince and all the people was to go in and out.
I say (Says he) that even in the old Testament the high Priest was above the King, which I prove out of Num. 27, where it is said that At the word of the high Priest Joshua the Prince and all the people was to go in and out.
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and the whole scope being about Ecclesiasticall and ciuill matters, M. Parsons must, to his owne shame, necessarily acknowledge that I haue not been contrary vnto Carerius, but Carerius hath been contrary to himselfe.
and the Whole scope being about Ecclesiastical and civil matters, M. Parsons must, to his own shame, necessarily acknowledge that I have not been contrary unto Carerius, but Carerius hath been contrary to himself.
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And so I say, it is a plain demonstration, but of M. Mortons falshood and abusing the Reader, to make him belecue that Victoria fauoured him in this matter of the exemption of Priests,
And so I say, it is a plain demonstration, but of M. Mortons falsehood and abusing the Reader, to make him belecue that Victoria favoured him in this matter of the exemption of Priests,
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whereas in the very place heere cited Victoria saith that Ecclesiasticiiure exempti sunt, that is, Ecelesiasticall men are by law exempted and freed from the ciuill power,
whereas in the very place Here cited Victoria Says that Ecclesiasticiiure exempti sunt, that is, Ecclesiastical men Are by law exempted and freed from the civil power,
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10 I haue called my proofe, taken out of Victoria, a plaine demonstration, to consute the now pretended Romish exemption of Priests, which M. Parsons calleth a plaine demonstration of my falshood, as though I had abused the sentence and sense of Victoria: wherein if M. Parsons haue dealt iustly,
10 I have called my proof, taken out of Victoria, a plain demonstration, to consute the now pretended Romish exemption of Priests, which M. Parsons calls a plain demonstration of my falsehood, as though I had abused the sentence and sense of Victoria: wherein if M. Parsons have dealt justly,
I shall easily acquit my selfe both by the euidence of the place of Victoria, and by the confession of their owne Doctour, in his like exposition of Victoria. First, the text standeth thus:
I shall Easily acquit my self both by the evidence of the place of Victoria, and by the Confessi of their own Doctor, in his like exposition of Victoria. First, the text Stands thus:
11 This is so contrary vnto the claime that the now Pope hath made of a power to exempt Ecclesiasticall persons, notwithstanding the contrarie opposition of Magistrates, that their owne Doctor (in his confutation of Bellarmine about this point) doth produce the iudgement of many scholasticall writers,
11 This is so contrary unto the claim that the now Pope hath made of a power to exempt Ecclesiastical Persons, notwithstanding the contrary opposition of Magistrates, that their own Doctor (in his confutation of Bellarmine about this point) does produce the judgement of many scholastical writers,
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And thus the Argument proueth to be a Demonstration of M. Parsons his ignorance. Another Demonstration of his idlenesse hee will giue himselfe in his next Addition: the summe wherof followeth. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
And thus the Argument Proves to be a Demonstration of M. Parsons his ignorance. another Demonstration of his idleness he will give himself in his next Addition: the sum whereof follows. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
for whereas Victoria saith that Clergie-men aliquo modo subjiciuntur Regi, that is, in some sort are subiect to the King, he leaueth out these words, In some sort: And instead of saying that Clergiemen,
for whereas Victoria Says that Clergymen Aliquo modo subjiciuntur King, that is, in Some sort Are Subject to the King, he Leaveth out these words, In Some sort: And instead of saying that Clergymen,
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12 I did effectually enough translate the words, In some His veine of contentiousnesse. sort, when I expressed the sort to be In temporall things, and not in spirituall.
12 I did effectually enough translate the words, In Some His vein of contentiousness. sort, when I expressed the sort to be In temporal things, and not in spiritual.
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In the second place, if the other two translations be compared, I thinke the Reader shall finde that as much may be collected out of M. Parsons his translation as out of mine;
In the second place, if the other two Translations be compared, I think the Reader shall find that as much may be collected out of M. Parsons his Translation as out of mine;
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which maketh me partly to take vp the Orators complaint, who was affraid to deliuer an Oration to the vulgar people, Because (saith he) they will not vnderstand the meaning;
which makes me partly to take up the Orators complaint, who was afraid to deliver an Oration to the Vulgar people, Because (Says he) they will not understand the meaning;
From priuate Doctours he thinketh good to passe vnto an Archbishop and Martyr, Boniface. SECT. V. The summe of the twelfth charge of M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
From private Doctors he Thinketh good to pass unto an Archbishop and Martyr, Boniface. SECT. V. The sum of the twelfth charge of M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
13 What is that whereof M. Parsons his head is so full, that he should require a fore-head in his Aduersaries? Heere is a Parturiunt montes, we shall see many ridiculous mise by and by. The first followeth. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
13 What is that whereof M. Parsons his head is so full, that he should require a forehead in his Adversaries? Here is a Parturiunt montes, we shall see many ridiculous mice by and by. The First follows. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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14 Can there be any thing spoken in preiudice of any Pope, which will not prooue vnsauoury in M. Parsons his palate? If I haue erred in mistaking the Inscription of Gratian, you might the more easily pardon me, knowing that Gratian himselfe is charged by your owne Bishop for applying false inscriptions to the testimonies which he alleageth.
14 Can there be any thing spoken in prejudice of any Pope, which will not prove unsavoury in M. Parsons his palate? If I have erred in mistaking the Inscription of Gratian, you might the more Easily pardon me, knowing that Gratian himself is charged by your own Bishop for applying false inscriptions to the testimonies which he allegeth.
and what difference of iudgement can there be in an Author, and in an authorizer of any worke? Neither may any hold it an Impiety, to except against the saying of some Martyrs, for diuers Martyrs haue not beene without the tincture of some errours, otherwise S. Cyprian should not haue held vntill this day the title of a Saint.
and what difference of judgement can there be in an Author, and in an authorizer of any work? Neither may any hold it an Impiety, to except against the saying of Some Martyrs, for diverse Martyrs have not been without the tincture of Some errors, otherwise S. Cyprian should not have held until this day the title of a Saint.
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Victorinus erred in the question concerning the state of soules, and is therfore taxed by Cardinall Bellarmine, who saith that Victorinus was a Martyr, yet (as S. Hierom saith) he wanted learning.
Victorinus erred in the question Concerning the state of Souls, and is Therefore taxed by Cardinal Bellarmine, who Says that Victorinus was a Martyr, yet (as S. Hieronymus Says) he wanted learning.
How will this answer of S. Hierom, and Cardinall Bellarmine relish with M. Parsons: must both these also be noted of Impietie? See the next. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
How will this answer of S. Hieronymus, and Cardinal Bellarmine relish with M. Parsons: must both these also be noted of Impiety? See the next. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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The Summe. He sheweth from the Canon, that the Pope is not to be reprehended, &c. but concealeth that the same Canon pronounceth damnation vpon such a negligent Pope:
The Sum. He shows from the Canon, that the Pope is not to be reprehended, etc. but concealeth that the same Canon pronounceth damnation upon such a negligent Pope:
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it concerned me not to tell that a wicked Pope must be iudged and condemned after this life, whereof none can doubt, but an Atheist. Yet more. M. PARSONS Reckoning. In repeating the Canon thus:
it concerned me not to tell that a wicked Pope must be judged and condemned After this life, whereof none can doubt, but an Atheist. Yet more. M. PARSONS Reckoning. In repeating the Canon thus:
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for he that saith, No mortall man may presume to reprehend a Pope, must needes vnderstand in this life, except M. Parsons haue some diuine power and commission to send a Mortall man (for in heaven there is not any reprehensible) to reprehend some Pope in hell.
for he that Says, No Mortal man may presume to reprehend a Pope, must needs understand in this life, except M. Parsons have Some divine power and commission to send a Mortal man (for in heaven there is not any reprehensible) to reprehend Some Pope in hell.
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The Pope cannot be iudged, which conclusion hath been condemned by their councell of Constance, and of Basil, both which held that Popes are subiect vnto the iudgement of a Councell euen for maners.
The Pope cannot be judged, which conclusion hath been condemned by their council of Constance, and of Basil, both which held that Popes Are Subject unto the judgement of a Council even for manners.
Why doe you so? But in the Latine, neither in the Canon it selfe is there any such interrogation at all, as why doe you so? And therefore I may aske T. M. why doe you lie so? Or why doe you corrupt your Author so? Or why doe you translate in English,
Why do you so? But in the Latin, neither in the Canon it self is there any such interrogation At all, as why do you so? And Therefore I may ask T. M. why do you lie so? Or why do you corrupt your Author so? Or why do you translate in English,
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nor in the Canon it selfe, by you cited, hath it at all? Is not this wilful and malicious fraud? Wherein when you shal answer me directly and sincerely, it shal be a great discharge of your credit with those, who in the meane space will iustly hold you for a Deceiuer.
nor in the Canon it self, by you cited, hath it At all? Is not this wilful and malicious fraud? Wherein when you shall answer me directly and sincerely, it shall be a great discharge of your credit with those, who in the mean Molle will justly hold you for a Deceiver.
I find the same obiected by Sir Francis Hastings and afterward by Mathew Sutcliffe, but I find the same confuted at large by the Warnwoord. The Reuiew.
I find the same objected by Sir Francis Hastings and afterwards by Matthew Sutcliffe, but I find the same confuted At large by the Warnwoord. The Reuiew.
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consequently it will not permit a man to say, in way of reproofe, Why do you so? As euery Barber, Baker and triuiall man knoweth, by the common phrase of speech:
consequently it will not permit a man to say, in Way of reproof, Why do you so? As every Barber, Baker and trivial man Knoweth, by the Common phrase of speech:
Doctor to turne his eye vnto the Glosse vpon the Extrauagants, where it is said, in the behalfe of Popes dispensation, Nec est qui audeat dicere, Domine, cur it à facis? that is, Neither is there any, that dare say,
Doctor to turn his eye unto the Gloss upon the Extravagants, where it is said, in the behalf of Popes Dispensation, Nec est qui audeat dicere, Domine, cur it à facis? that is, Neither is there any, that Dare say,
Why doest thou so? Where (as though this point were worthy the sight of al passengers) there standeth in the Margent as it were a finger pointing vnto it, saying, Let no man say to the Pope, Domine cur it à facis? My Lord,
Why dost thou so? Where (as though this point were worthy the sighed of all passengers) there Stands in the Margin as it were a finger pointing unto it, saying, Let no man say to the Pope, Domine cur it à facis? My Lord,
why doe you so? Therefore must I aske you once againe, Why deale you so rashly, in writing you know not what? or, in obiecting malice in such a matter,
why do you so? Therefore must I ask you once again, Why deal you so rashly, in writing you know not what? or, in objecting malice in such a matter,
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20 Furthermore, because I finde M. Parsons making mention of Sir Francis Hastings, and of his owne booke of Warnwoord, I must furthermore bee so sawcie as to pull him once againe by the sleeue,
20 Furthermore, Because I find M. Parsons making mention of Sir Francis Hastings, and of his own book of Warnwoord, I must furthermore be so saucy as to pull him once again by the sleeve,
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and aske him by way of digression whether he be not the man that denied that this salutation, [ Dominus Deus Papa ] is found in the Glosse of some Canonist? SECT. VI.
and ask him by Way of digression whither he be not the man that denied that this salutation, [ Dominus Deus Papa ] is found in the Gloss of Some Canonist? SECT. VI.
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& iudging it inconuenient to repeat Dominus twice, would needs inforce the second D. to be set for Deus. This my coniecture is confirmed somewhat by the similitude of a like fond chance, whereof I haue heard as happened in the Subscription of an English letter, written from certaine Marriners to the Lord Admirall in these words:
& judging it inconvenient to repeat Dominus twice, would needs enforce the second D. to be Set for Deus. This my conjecture is confirmed somewhat by the similitude of a like found chance, whereof I have herd as happened in the Subscription of an English Letter, written from certain Mariners to the Lord Admiral in these words:
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To the right honourable, our good L. the L. Admirall, which second L. a simple fellow interpreted to signifie the Lady Admirall, saying that the first L. signifying the Lord himselfe, the second L. must needs signifie also his Lady.
To the right honourable, our good L. the L. Admiral, which second L. a simple fellow interpreted to signify the Lady Admiral, saying that the First L. signifying the Lord himself, the second L. must needs signify also his Lady.
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when as yet there can be nothing more apparent, for in the Extrauagant at the word significâsti, Tit. 14. cap. 4. the Glosse saith plainly in the very same words, Dominum Deum nostrum Papam, that is, Our Lord God the Pope, euen,
when as yet there can be nothing more apparent, for in the Extravagant At the word significâsti, Tit. 14. cap. 4. the Gloss Says plainly in the very same words, Dominum God nostrum Pope, that is, Our Lord God the Pope, even,
as it is set out by their best approoued edition of the Extrauagants. But so it pleased M. Parsons rather to bewray his owne ignorance of the common Romish Glosse,
as it is Set out by their best approved edition of the Extravagants. But so it pleased M. Parsons rather to bewray his own ignorance of the Common Romish Gloss,
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for what man could bee so simple and indeed stupid as to thinke there could be any congruity of speech in such a superscription as he hath feigned, viz:
for what man could be so simple and indeed stupid as to think there could be any congruity of speech in such a superscription as he hath feigned, videlicet:
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wherein, as it were, by a strange metamorphosis, the sex is changed, a Lord, being turned into a Lady? What then shall we thinke of M. Parsons his wit, who hath so vniustly imputed vnto Sir Francis a suspicion of Imposture? If he sported thus in dissemblance, he must be iudged to haue beene malicious;
wherein, as it were, by a strange metamorphosis, the sex is changed, a Lord, being turned into a Lady? What then shall we think of M. Parsons his wit, who hath so unjustly imputed unto Sir Francis a suspicion of Imposture? If he sported thus in dissemblance, he must be judged to have been malicious;
if in ignorance, hath he not beene ridiculous? I returne to our Reckoning; wherein from Boniface an Archbishop hee passeth to a Pope Leo. SECT. VII. The thirteenth charge, concerning the Oath of Allegence.
if in ignorance, hath he not been ridiculous? I return to our Reckoning; wherein from Boniface an Archbishop he passes to a Pope Leo. SECT. VII. The thirteenth charge, Concerning the Oath of Allegence.
POpe Leo (saith M. Morton ) writing vnto a true Cntholike Emperor said, You may not be ignorant that your Princely power is giuen vnto you not onely in worldly regiment,
POpe Leo (Says M. Mortonum) writing unto a true Cntholike Emperor said, You may not be ignorant that your Princely power is given unto you not only in worldly regiment,
As if he had said, not only in causes temporal, but also in spiritual, so far as it belongeth to the outward preseruation, not to the personall administration of them;
As if he had said, not only in Causes temporal, but also in spiritual, so Far as it belongeth to the outward preservation, not to the personal administration of them;
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The second, by this mans assertion, that neither our Kings of England challenge, nor doe the subiects condescend vnto any more in the Oath of supremacy, that is proposed vnto them.
The second, by this men assertion, that neither our Kings of England challenge, nor do the Subjects condescend unto any more in the Oath of supremacy, that is proposed unto them.
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so far foorth as S. Leo alloweth spirituall authority to the Emperour of his time. Wherfore it hehooueth that the Reader stand attent to the deciding of this question:
so Far forth as S. Leo alloweth spiritual Authority to the Emperor of his time. Wherefore it hehooueth that the Reader stand attended to the deciding of this question:
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Mee thinks such publike doctrine should not be so publikely printed and set forth, without publike allowance and intention to performe and make it good.
Me thinks such public Doctrine should not be so publicly printed and Set forth, without public allowance and intention to perform and make it good.
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if not, then will the Reader see what credit may be giuen to any things they publish, notwithstanding this book commeth forth with this speciall commendation, of published by authority, &c. Which words in my iudgement, should haue mooued M. Morton to leaue somewhat to the matter in this his Answer,
if not, then will the Reader see what credit may be given to any things they publish, notwithstanding this book comes forth with this special commendation, of published by Authority, etc. Which words in my judgement, should have moved M. Mortonum to leave somewhat to the matter in this his Answer,
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22 I will take no longer Time than this present, and vpon the issue heerof will I appeale vnto the Reader, to iudge according to the iust apparence of truth.
22 I will take no longer Time than this present, and upon the issue hereof will I appeal unto the Reader, to judge according to the just appearance of truth.
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and false Prophets, in restoring religion vnto her ancient purity, gouerning all kinde of persons (within his Kingdom) aswell Ecclesiasticall as Laicks,
and false prophets, in restoring Religion unto her ancient purity, governing all kind of Persons (within his Kingdom) aswell Ecclesiastical as Laics,
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And the rather, because Pope Leo (as your Car. Causanus obserueth) submitted himselfe vnto all the punishments, which were contained in the lawes of the Emperor Martianus.
And the rather, Because Pope Leo (as your Car. Causanus observeth) submitted himself unto all the punishments, which were contained in the laws of the Emperor Martianus.
and tell him that, Incunctantèr, is, without delay. There is no reason wee should expect true Latine-Grammar of him, who faileth so absurdly euen in his English Grammar:
and tell him that, Incunctantèr, is, without Delay. There is no reason we should expect true Latine-Grammar of him, who Faileth so absurdly even in his English Grammar:
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25 I am ashamed of these impertinencies, whereunto I am constrained by Maister Parsons, who delighteth so much in friuolousnesse, that hee reprooueth mee for translating the word, Praesidium Ecclesiae, preseruation of the Church, and must haue it, forsooth, Englished, Defence of the Church, as though defence were not preseruation, and preseruation Defence. It seemeth that M. Parsons meaneth to claime some kindred with that wise Asynonomist, who once said, that Pepper is hote in operation, but cold in working:
25 I am ashamed of these Impertinencies, whereunto I am constrained by Master Parsons, who delights so much in frivolousness, that he Reproveth me for translating the word, Praesidium Ecclesiae, preservation of the Church, and must have it, forsooth, Englished, Defence of the Church, as though defence were not preservation, and preservation Defence. It seems that M. Parsons means to claim Some kindred with that wise Asynonomist, who once said, that Pepper is hight in operation, but cold in working:
than to tell him that he was but Expelled onely, and not expulsed. SECT. VIII. The fourteenth charge, in the point of Equiuocation, out of Sepulueda. M. PARSONS Reckoning.
than to tell him that he was but Expelled only, and not Expulsed. SECT. VIII. The fourteenth charge, in the point of Equivocation, out of Sepulueda. M. PARSONS Reckoning.
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BUt what saith this Doctor Genesuis Sepulueda? He will tell you (saith Maister Morton) that this sense (of this text of Scripture) which you conceale is not onely contrary to the sentence of all Fathers,
BUt what Says this Doctor Genesuis Sepulueda? He will tell you (Says Master Mortonum) that this sense (of this text of Scripture) which you conceal is not only contrary to the sentence of all Father's,
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And is this possible? Will Sepulucda denie all those Fathers, alleaged by me before for our interprotation, to be Fathers? Will hee say, that their exposition is contrary to all common sense? doth not Genesius himselfe in the very chapter here cited alleage both S. Hierom, and S. Augustine for this interprotation,
And is this possible? Will Sepulucda deny all those Father's, alleged by me before for our interprotation, to be Father's? Will he say, that their exposition is contrary to all Common sense? does not Genesius himself in the very chapter Here cited allege both S. Hieronymus, and S. Augustine for this interprotation,
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and alloweth the same? What shamelesse dealing then is this of our Minister, to charge Genesius with such folly or impietie, which hee neuer thought off? For Genesius denieth not either the sense or interpretation of the place,
and alloweth the same? What shameless dealing then is this of our Minister, to charge Genesius with such folly or impiety, which he never Thought off? For Genesius Denieth not either the sense or Interpretation of the place,
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26 The Text of Scripture is Mare. 13. 32. Of that day and houre knoweth no man, no not the some himselfe &c. Sepulueda alloweth the interpretation which the Fathers giue hereof,
26 The Text of Scripture is Mare. 13. 32. Of that day and hour Knoweth no man, no not the Some himself etc. Sepulueda alloweth the Interpretation which the Father's give hereof,
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but not in the sense which the Equiuocators do vrge, and therefore he admonisheth his Reader to take heed lest that vpon this interpretation there be brought in a doctrine of Equiuocation, which in his former chapter hee did condemne for a lie,
but not in the sense which the Equivocators do urge, and Therefore he Admonisheth his Reader to take heed lest that upon this Interpretation there be brought in a Doctrine of Equivocation, which in his former chapter he did condemn for a lie,
Therefore the falshood is of M. Parsons his part, who will not distinguish the interpretation which Sepulueda admitteth, from that Equiuocating sense, which he abhorreth.
Therefore the falsehood is of M. Parsons his part, who will not distinguish the Interpretation which Sepulueda admitteth, from that Equivocating sense, which he abhorreth.
27 If there had been in M. Parsons any sense of common shamefastnesse, he could not haue sayd, that I made Sepulueda discredit the Fathers: for Sepulueda said, I wil tel you (Equiuocators) that the sense, which you conceit, is contrary to the sentence of Ancients.
27 If there had been in M. Parsons any sense of Common shamefastness, he could not have said, that I made Sepulueda discredit the Father's: for Sepulueda said, I will tell you (Equivocators) that the sense, which you conceit, is contrary to the sentence of Ancients.
for Sepulueda doth as expresly name these ancient Fathers, Hierome, Augustine, Basil, as well as he did the ancient Schoole Doctors. CHAP. III. Conteining an Answer to the next fiue charges. SECT. I. The summe of the xv. charge, in the point of Equiuocation. M. PARSONS Reckoning.
for Sepulueda does as expressly name these ancient Father's, Jerome, Augustine, Basil, as well as he did the ancient School Doctors. CHAP. III. Containing an Answer to the next fiue charges. SECT. I. The sum of the xv. charge, in the point of Equivocation. M. PARSONS Reckoning.
HEe quoteth Sotus, but all is treacherie, falshood, and lying in this Impugner of Equiuocation, for first by subtle Doctor all vnderstand Scotus, and not Sotus. The Reuiew.
He quoteth Sotus, but all is treachery, falsehood, and lying in this Impugner of Equivocation, for First by subtle Doctor all understand Scotus, and not Sotus. The Reuiew.
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1 I Called your Sotus the subtle Doctour: you say that this epithet belonged vnto Scotus. I haue heard that two Gentlemen, the one English, the other Scotish, met together, the one sitting on the one side of the table,
1 I Called your Sotus the subtle Doctor: you say that this epithet belonged unto Scotus. I have herd that two Gentlemen, the one English, the other Scottish, met together, the one sitting on the one side of the table,
And when the English man asked, Quid interest Scotum & Sotum? What therewas betweene a Scot and a Sot? The Table, quoth the Scot. There was wit in this.
And when the English man asked, Quid Interest Scotum & Sotum? What thereas between a Scot and a Sot? The Table, quoth the Scot. There was wit in this.
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M. PARSONS his Reckoning, & summe of his charge in the point of Equiuocation. He will neuer be able to shew out of Sotus, that all Equiuocators are liars;
M. PARSONS his Reckoning, & sum of his charge in the point of Equivocation. He will never be able to show out of Sotus, that all Equivocators Are liars;
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this assertion is an incredible impudencie, because Sotus saith, that in some cases it is lawfull to equiuocate, as where hee teacheth a man, that is asked vniustly, to answer, Nescio, Qui iure intelligitur, Nescio, vt dicam, aut Nescio eo modo, quo iure debeam dicere, &c. This wrote I in my former booke,
this assertion is an incredible impudency, Because Sotus Says, that in Some cases it is lawful to equivocate, as where he Teaches a man, that is asked unjustly, to answer, Nescio, Qui iure intelligitur, Nescio, vt dicam, Or Nescio eo modo, quo iure debeam dicere, etc. This wrote I in my former book,
and bauing conuinced so euident falsifications, as heere haue been laid downe, quite contrary to the meaning and sense of the Author alleaged, I maruel that some little place had not been allowed for somepiece of Answer to this also among the rest.
and bauing convinced so evident falsifications, as Here have been laid down, quite contrary to the meaning and sense of the Author alleged, I marvel that Some little place had not been allowed for somepiece of Answer to this also among the rest.
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2 I was as ready then, as now, to tell you that heerein you play a kinde of Scotus and subtle Sophister with mee, wilfully abusing both your owne knowledge,
2 I was as ready then, as now, to tell you that herein you play a kind of Scotus and subtle Sophister with me, wilfully abusing both your own knowledge,
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and your Readers ignorance, by not acknowledging the principall point in question, which was not against Verball, but only against that Mentall Equiuocation, which hath been described by your selfe to be lawfull, whensoeuer the speaker shall reserue any thing in his minde, which according to his vnderstanding doth agree with the outward words of his mouth, be the clause of reseruation whatsoeuer it pleaseth him to imagine;
and your Readers ignorance, by not acknowledging the principal point in question, which was not against Verbal, but only against that Mental Equivocation, which hath been described by your self to be lawful, whensoever the speaker shall reserve any thing in his mind, which according to his understanding does agree with the outward words of his Mouth, be the clause of reservation whatsoever it Pleases him to imagine;
As to say, I am no Priest, meaning, with purpose to tell it you. All such kinde of mixt propositions you in your Treatise of Mitigation do absolutely defend:
As to say, I am no Priest, meaning, with purpose to tell it you. All such kind of mixed propositions you in your Treatise of Mitigation do absolutely defend:
First, He that is iniuriously examined may vse all kinde of Amphibologies, or doubtfull speeches, so as they may be vnderstood in some vsuall sense withont a lie.
First, He that is injuriously examined may use all kind of Amphibologies, or doubtful Speeches, so as they may be understood in Some usual sense without a lie.
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and of this kinde is (in his iudgement) the word, Nescio, in the cause before mentioned, whereof Sotus saith, Words doe carrie that signification which the people apprehend;
and of this kind is (in his judgement) the word, Nescio, in the cause before mentioned, whereof Sotus Says, Words do carry that signification which the people apprehend;
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and Christian people, when they heare a Priest (who is asked whether he know such a mans sinne) answer, Se nihil scire, do vnderstand his meaning to be, that he knoweth it not extrà confessionem:
and Christian people, when they hear a Priest (who is asked whither he know such a men sin) answer, Se nihil Scire, do understand his meaning to be, that he Knoweth it not extrà confessionem:
which maketh a verball Equiuocation, or Amphibologie, the knowing of a Priest being of two sorts, In confessione, and Extrà confessionem. So that the man which is asked,
which makes a verbal Equivocation, or Amphibologie, the knowing of a Priest being of two sorts, In Confessi, and Extrà confessionem. So that the man which is asked,
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whether he knoweth that which he heard only by relation from another, may (in the opinion of Sotus ) answer NESCIO, because a man properly knoweth that which hee comprehendeth by strong reason.
whither he Knoweth that which he herd only by Relation from Another, may (in the opinion of Sotus) answer NESCIO, Because a man properly Knoweth that which he comprehendeth by strong reason.
And this Amphibologie is verball, for Nescio hath a double sense in it selfe, according to the vnderstanding of men, properly signifying that which I do certainly not know;
And this Amphibology is verbal, for Nescio hath a double sense in it self, according to the understanding of men, properly signifying that which I do Certainly not know;
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And thus, saith Sotus, the Priest may answer, NESCIO, because he had it but by relation of the partie confitent, who might (peraduenture) haue lied. Except the matter be manifest, and so he proceedeth to approue Nescio, in such a case to signifie, by the intendment of the law, Non scire, vt dicam, or, vt debeam dicere. To conclude, Sotus neuer alloweth any other Equiuocall sense, which is wholly infolded in the clause of Reseruation, but that only which the outward speech it selfe may (in his opinion) carrie in the common vse, according to the apprehention of the discreet hearer:
And thus, Says Sotus, the Priest may answer, NESCIO, Because he had it but by Relation of the party confitent, who might (Peradventure) have lied. Except the matter be manifest, and so he Proceedeth to approve Nescio, in such a case to signify, by the intendment of the law, Non Scire, vt dicam, or, vt debeam dicere. To conclude, Sotus never alloweth any other Equivocal sense, which is wholly enfolded in the clause of Reservation, but that only which the outward speech it self may (in his opinion) carry in the Common use, according to the apprehension of the discreet hearer:
for (saith Sotus ) It were a most foolish exposition to say, Non occidit, Vt dicam, because facta ordinom immediatum non habent ad hoc, quod est, Dicere.
for (Says Sotus) It were a most foolish exposition to say, Non occidit, Vt dicam, Because facta ordinom immediatum non habent ad hoc, quod est, Dicere.
Let vs compare our new AEquiuocators with Sotus. M. Parsons admitteth any Reseruation, which being mixed with the outward speech, maketh a true proposition,
Let us compare our new AEquiuocators with Sotus. M. Parsons admitteth any Reservation, which being mixed with the outward speech, makes a true proposition,
as, I am no Priest, conceiuing in my minde, To tell it: which differeth not from that of Sotus, He murdered him not, reseruing, That I may tell it you:
as, I am no Priest, conceiving in my mind, To tell it: which differeth not from that of Sotus, He murdered him not, reserving, That I may tell it you:
When a party is Vniustly, demanded, concerning a fact which he had committed, Whether he may answer, Non a concerning a fact which he had committed, Whether he may answer, Nonfeci, I did it not: Scotus (saith Sotus ibid.
When a party is Unjustly, demanded, Concerning a fact which he had committed, Whither he may answer, Non a Concerning a fact which he had committed, Whither he may answer, Nonfeci, I did it not: Scotus (Says Sotus Ibid.
Conclus. 5. Sotus inclineth to the negatiue part, And I (saith Sotus) cannot be perswaded that it is lawful to answer, Non feci, neither can I perceiue, how it can be excused from alie:
Conclusion. 5. Sotus Inclineth to the negative part, And I (Says Sotus) cannot be persuaded that it is lawful to answer, Non Feci, neither can I perceive, how it can be excused from alie:
This example our AEquiuocators vse to vrge, to the end that they may couer their lying deuice with S. Francis his sleeue: but if we beleeue Sotus, that sleeue is too short to hide so long a lie:
This Exampl our AEquiuocators use to urge, to the end that they may cover their lying device with S. Francis his sleeve: but if we believe Sotus, that sleeve is too short to hide so long a lie:
for This deuice (saith he) will not content me, because although he that is vniustly asked a question, be not bound to answer vnto the intention of the demandant,
for This device (Says he) will not content me, Because although he that is unjustly asked a question, be not bound to answer unto the intention of the demandant,
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and thereupon he himselfe was carried to be tortured, who suffered torment, yet through his patience he obteined fauor of the Emperor for the deliuerance of the man that had fled vnto him.
and thereupon he himself was carried to be tortured, who suffered torment, yet through his patience he obtained favour of the Emperor for the deliverance of the man that had fled unto him.
This being by Sotus opposed vnto the former example of S. Francis doth teach vs that he would not allow our AEquiuocatours pretense, who would haue readily answered that question by saying, No-body, meaning, To tell it vnto you:
This being by Sotus opposed unto the former Exampl of S. Francis does teach us that he would not allow our AEquiuocatours pretense, who would have readily answered that question by saying, Nobody, meaning, To tell it unto you:
and S. Augustine his Firmus in these daies would be hissed out of their schooles for a simple and witlesse fellow euen as our AEquinocatours would (if they had liued in these daies) been driuen out of Christendome for gracelesse mont-bankes. But heare what followeth. 7 An other example.
and S. Augustine his Firmus in these days would be hissed out of their Schools for a simple and witless fellow even as our AEquinocatours would (if they had lived in these days) been driven out of Christendom for graceless mont-banks. But hear what follows. 7 an other Exampl.
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In the case of a man who is wrongfully questioned about a most secret fault, If (saith Sotus) he cannot finde words, whereby, through an Equiuocation, which is in the common vse of men, he may couer his fault without a lie, he ought rather to die than lie.
In the case of a man who is wrongfully questioned about a most secret fault, If (Says Sotus) he cannot find words, whereby, through an Equivocation, which is in the Common use of men, he may cover his fault without a lie, he ought rather to die than lie.
And therefore where the question is, concerning a guilty person, who killed Peter and is examined thereabout, Whether he may answer, I haue not killed him, conceiuing in his minde another man of the same name Peter, being one whom indeed he killed not:
And Therefore where the question is, Concerning a guilty person, who killed Peter and is examined thereabouts, Whither he may answer, I have not killed him, conceiving in his mind Another man of the same name Peter, being one whom indeed he killed not:
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an affirmation and negation in proper names are so taken for the same man, as if this onely had been therby signified, viz. for that Peter, of whom the question was asked.
an affirmation and negation in proper names Are so taken for the same man, as if this only had been thereby signified, viz. for that Peter, of whom the question was asked.
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How then shall their AEquiuocating Priest auoid the guilt of a lie, who being asked, whether he were a Priest, Answered, No, meaning, A Priest of Apollo, the heathenish God.
How then shall their Equivocating Priest avoid the guilt of a lie, who being asked, whither he were a Priest, Answered, No, meaning, A Priest of Apollo, the Heathenish God.
And being demanded whether he were euer beyond the Sea, answered, No, meaning, the Adriatique Sea. We see that heere also their Sotus meeth with their AEquiuocator, to prooue him alier. 8 The last example.
And being demanded whither he were ever beyond the Sea, answered, No, meaning, the Adriatic Sea. We see that Here also their Sotus meeth with their Equivocator, to prove him alier. 8 The last Exampl.
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or no, and shee cannot finde any amphibologie, to hide herselfe in? I answere (saith he) That the iniquities of men are more than that wee can preuent them:
or no, and she cannot find any amphibology, to hide herself in? I answer (Says he) That the iniquities of men Are more than that we can prevent them:
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This had beene but a fond Resolution, if he had thought that Nescio, vt dicam, would haue serued the turne, which to free the speech from a lie, notwithstanding is the NONLATINALPHABET in the profession,
This had been but a found Resolution, if he had Thought that Nescio, vt dicam, would have served the turn, which to free the speech from a lie, notwithstanding is the in the profession,
in the shutting vp of this Treatise hee granteth that Words which haue not a true sense, according to the signification, which is receiued into common vse, cannot bee excused from a lie.
in the shutting up of this Treatise he grants that Words which have not a true sense, according to the signification, which is received into Common use, cannot be excused from a lie.
Which conclusion, with all these premisses, I leaue as a Glasse vnto M. Parsons, and other Professors of Mentall Equiuocation, to looke their faces in,
Which conclusion, with all these premises, I leave as a Glass unto M. Parsons, and other Professors of Mental Equivocation, to look their faces in,
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for Cunerus saying, In religione concordiae sola est ratio vt omnes, &c. that is, This in religion is the onely way of concord, that all men with apious minde doe wholly conceiue and practise that which is taught in the Catholike Church of Rome: Maister Morton translateth;
for Cunerus saying, In Religion Concordiae sola est ratio vt omnes, etc. that is, This in Religion is the only Way of concord, that all men with apious mind do wholly conceive and practise that which is taught in the Catholic Church of Rome: Master Mortonum Translate;
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9 Any man may perceiue what kind of fish M. Parsons is, who can thus carpe at words, peruersly concealing the plaine intention of the Author Cunerus: hee intending to proue the Hollanders to be Rebels against the K. of Spaine, who were not possibly to except concord,
9 Any man may perceive what kind of Fish M. Parsons is, who can thus carp At words, perversely concealing the plain intention of the Author Cunerus: he intending to prove the Hollanders to be Rebels against the K. of Spain, who were not possibly to except concord,
except first they would consent in one Religion, and that there is no true religion but that of the Church of Rome, Whereunto (saith Cunerus) a Christian Prince is sworne to be a defender of the faith, namely of that Romish,
except First they would consent in one Religion, and that there is no true Religion but that of the Church of Rome, Whereunto (Says Cunerus) a Christian Prince is sworn to be a defender of the faith, namely of that Romish,
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and no Religion, but that which is Romish, doth he not euidently say that the Romish is the onely Religion? I am vexed with M. Parsons his vanities, and desire something materiall.
and no Religion, but that which is Romish, does he not evidently say that the Romish is the only Religion? I am vexed with M. Parsons his vanities, and desire something material.
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Wherein M. Parsons abuseth Bellarmine (in my opinion) bringing him vpon his stage, to no other end than (as Cato went into the Senate) to carrie him out againe.
Wherein M. Parsons abuseth Bellarmine (in my opinion) bringing him upon his stage, to no other end than (as Cato went into the Senate) to carry him out again.
Finding my selfe weary with prosecuting the labyrinth of his intricate iuggling trickes, I will draw to an end, adding only one example more in this place.
Finding my self weary with prosecuting the labyrinth of his intricate juggling tricks, I will draw to an end, adding only one Exampl more in this place.
11 It were good you knew how to make an end, and better it had beene for you in your reputation, that you had not begunne at all with this taxation of Cassander, it is so notoriously shamelesse:
11 It were good you knew how to make an end, and better it had been for you in your reputation, that you had not begun At all with this taxation of Cassander, it is so notoriously shameless:
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for (I beseech you M. Parsons ) what great cause haue you to contemne a Grammarian, how much lesse to say that Cassander was but a Grammarian? As though hee had beene vnworthy of any better esteeme, whom both the Emperor Ferdinand, and Maximilian King of the Romanes sent for (about the time of the Councell of Trent) and made singular choise of him,
for (I beseech you M. Parsons) what great cause have you to contemn a Grammarian, how much less to say that Cassander was but a Grammarian? As though he had been unworthy of any better esteem, whom both the Emperor Ferdinand, and Maximilian King of the Romans sent for (about the time of the Council of Trent) and made singular choice of him,
and in that respect was he commended by the Emperor for a man of singular learning, and godlinesse, and intituled, Theologus, that is, a Diuine: and by Maximilian hee was extolled for a man godly, learned, and discreet,
and in that respect was he commended by the Emperor for a man of singular learning, and godliness, and entitled, Theologus, that is, a Divine: and by Maximilian he was extolled for a man godly, learned, and discreet,
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this is plaine, that his whole works doe magnifie the Deitie of the holy Ghost, and also doe inlarge mans duetie in the worship of the blessed spirit of Grace.
this is plain, that his Whole works do magnify the Deity of the holy Ghost, and also do enlarge men duty in the worship of the blessed Spirit of Grace.
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for the scope of all was to shew that Protestants ( in the opinion of Cassander) were hold to bee Uera membra Christi, that is, The true members of Christ;
for the scope of all was to show that Protestants (in the opinion of Cassander) were hold to be Uera membra Christ, that is, The true members of christ;
To what end then are M. Parsons his other skirmishes? where with he beateth the aire? Onely onething excepted, which concerneth Cassander, to know what profession he was of, seeing M. Parsons can not abide his Acquaintance,
To what end then Are M. Parsons his other Skirmishes? where with he beats the air? Only onething excepted, which concerns Cassander, to know what profession he was of, seeing M. Parsons can not abide his Acquaintance,
14 By M. Parsons his censure Cassander is not to bee called a Catholike, nor yet may Catholikes bee called Papists. First of Cassander. That my Reader may know that I was as farre from coggery, as M. Parsons is from true modesty in his denials:
14 By M. Parsons his censure Cassander is not to be called a Catholic, nor yet may Catholics be called Papists. First of Cassander. That my Reader may know that I was as Far from coggery, as M. Parsons is from true modesty in his denials:
Thus he inserteth himselfe in the number of ' Papists. Secondly, he was held to be a Papist of Protestants, as by Osiander, and Beza. Thirdly, some Romanists themselues haue acknowledged him in their publike writings for theirs,
Thus he inserteth himself in the number of ' Papists. Secondly, he was held to be a Papist of Protestants, as by Osiander, and Beza. Thirdly, Some Romanists themselves have acknowledged him in their public writings for theirs,
15 If M. Parsons be disposed to see a notable coggery indeed, he need but turne backe againe to a testimony of his owne cited out of Caluin, where to make Caluin an Aduersary vnto all the ancient Fathers, in the point of prayer for the dead, M. Parsons himselfe hath foisted in the word [ Omnes ] All, of his own, against the expresse meaning and resolution of M. Caluin, in that very place.
15 If M. Parsons be disposed to see a notable coggery indeed, he need but turn back again to a testimony of his own cited out of Calvin, where to make Calvin an Adversary unto all the ancient Father's, in the point of prayer for the dead, M. Parsons himself hath foisted in the word [ Omnes ] All, of his own, against the express meaning and resolution of M. Calvin, in that very place.
16 Howsoeuer it giueth vs some cause of admiration, that M. Parsons is ashamed of the name of a Papist, seeing that the word [ Papists ] commeth of Papa, that is, The Pope, to whom M. Parsons professeth subiection,
16 Howsoever it gives us Some cause of admiration, that M. Parsons is ashamed of the name of a Papist, seeing that the word [ Papists ] comes of Papa, that is, The Pope, to whom M. Parsons Professes subjection,
how can he then abhor his owne sirname? His fellow Cochelet is more zealous in the defence of that title, We are Papists (saith he) and confesse it and glory in that name.
how can he then abhor his own surname? His fellow Cochelet is more zealous in the defence of that title, We Are Papists (Says he) and confess it and glory in that name.
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DRawing to an end, I am forced to ioyne diuerse together, whereof I accused him in my former writing to haue corrupted two Authors ioyntly, Royard a Friar, and Cunerus a Bishop. The Reuiew.
DRawing to an end, I am forced to join diverse together, whereof I accused him in my former writing to have corrupted two Authors jointly, Royard a Friar, and Cunerus a Bishop. The Reuiew.
M. Parsons hath surueyed the sentence, and can not take any exception to the citation of it, wherein he saw that Friar Royard preached vnto the peoplea Necessitie of subiection, so farre,
M. Parsons hath surveyed the sentence, and can not take any exception to the Citante of it, wherein he saw that Friar Royard preached unto the peoplea Necessity of subjection, so Far,
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Which conclusion, as M. Parsons knoweth, doth condemne the now positions of their Iesuits, and especially M. Parsons his Dolman prouing them indeed to be no better than rebellious.
Which conclusion, as M. Parsons Knoweth, does condemn the now positions of their Iesuits, and especially M. Parsons his Dolman proving them indeed to be no better than rebellious.
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How will M. Parsons auoid so plaine a witnesse of their own Friar? Marke, I pray thee, Christian Reader, (for this tricke he fetcheth out of the bortome of his budget) by a false repetition of the sentence,
How will M. Parsons avoid so plain a witness of their own Friar? Mark, I pray thee, Christian Reader, (for this trick he Fetches out of the bortome of his budget) by a false repetition of the sentence,
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whereby he turneth Royards necessitie of subiection of the people, and their not hauing any power to remoue the yoke, into not remouing him only at their pleasure. Is this good dealing? but the necessitie of his cause did constraine him to this shift,
whereby he turns Royards necessity of subjection of the people, and their not having any power to remove the yoke, into not removing him only At their pleasure. Is this good dealing? but the necessity of his cause did constrain him to this shift,
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because there was no other meanes to make this Friar and himselfe friends and professors of the same doctrine, but only by abusing the sentence of Royard, and making it not to be the same.
Because there was no other means to make this Friar and himself Friends and professors of the same Doctrine, but only by abusing the sentence of Royard, and making it not to be the same.
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A King, saith Royard, must not be obeied, when he commandeth any thing contrary vnto godlinesse, which (saith M. Parsons ) is the controuersie: which is his godlesse falsitie,
A King, Says Royard, must not be obeyed, when he commands any thing contrary unto godliness, which (Says M. Parsons) is the controversy: which is his godless falsity,
for looke the place in my Full Satisfact. part. 1. pag. 31. the controuersie, there set downe, was not whether people are bound to obey the vnlawfull command of their Kings,
for look the place in my Full Satisfact. part. 1. page. 31. the controversy, there Set down, was not whither people Are bound to obey the unlawful command of their Kings,
but whether they haue power to depose them. The Apostles being commanded, not to preach the Gospell, answered, Whether it be better to obey God or man, iudge you:
but whither they have power to depose them. The Apostles being commanded, not to preach the Gospel, answered, Whither it be better to obey God or man, judge you:
the one is, the wilfull peruerting of the testimonie of Royard, changing a necessitie of not remouing the yoke, into not remouing at their pleàsure; which are two contrary senses:
the one is, the wilful perverting of the testimony of Royard, changing a necessity of not removing the yoke, into not removing At their pleàsure; which Are two contrary Senses:
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But Cunerus saith nothing against vsbut against the Rebels of Flanders, & altogether for vs, who notwithstanding this exact obedience, which we require of subiects to their lawfull Princes, hath aspeciall Chapter expresly proouing that in some causes the Common-wealth and the Church haue authority to restraine and remooue them.
But Cunerus Says nothing against vsbut against the Rebels of Flanders, & altogether for us, who notwithstanding this exact Obedience, which we require of Subjects to their lawful Princes, hath especial Chapter expressly proving that in Some Causes the Commonwealth and the Church have Authority to restrain and remove them.
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What falshood is this, to alleage Authority flatly against their meaning? doth this become a Minister of simple truth? is this for a man, who so much abhorreth AEquiuocation? So I said to M. Morton at that time,
What falsehood is this, to allege authority flatly against their meaning? does this become a Minister of simple truth? is this for a man, who so much abhorreth AEquiuocation? So I said to M. Mortonum At that time,
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21 I am sory that I haue beene so long in your debt, and therefore now vpon the second sight of your Reckoning I hope to make all strait by an answer which will be, I doubt, lesse acceptable vnto you, in giuing you to vnderstand that you are, M. Parsons, in this Reckoning, a most vnconscionable person, in imputing vnto me matter of falshood heerein.
21 I am sorry that I have been so long in your debt, and Therefore now upon the second sighed of your Reckoning I hope to make all strait by an answer which will be, I doubt, less acceptable unto you, in giving you to understand that you Are, M. Parsons, in this Reckoning, a most unconscionable person, in imputing unto me matter of falsehood herein.
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For the doctrine which I there sought to refell, was the opinion of your Iesuit Salmeron. If a Catholike King ( saith Salmeron) shall fall to be an Heretike,
For the Doctrine which I there sought to refel, was the opinion of your Iesuit Salmeron. If a Catholic King (Says Salmeron) shall fallen to be an Heretic,
This reason I confuted by the testimonies out of your owne Doctors, the first was Royard, who said, that the people had not any power to remooue the yoak:
This reason I confuted by the testimonies out of your own Doctors, the First was Royard, who said, that the people had not any power to remove the yoke:
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Some say that the authority of Princes dependeth vpon the courtesie of the people, as thinking, that they, who gaue consent to choose a King, haue power likewise to depose him.
some say that the Authority of Princes dependeth upon the courtesy of the people, as thinking, that they, who gave consent to choose a King, have power likewise to depose him.
But (proouing this from Scriptures) wheresoeuer a King is established by the consent of the Kingdome, this ordinance is of God, and the people must obey.
But (proving this from Scriptures) wheresoever a King is established by the consent of the Kingdom, this Ordinance is of God, and the people must obey.
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Which flatly contradicteth the former Conclusion of Salmeron. And further than this I did not meddle with the opinion of Cunerus. Therefore in this charge you haue plaied either the Equiuocator,
Which flatly Contradicteth the former Conclusion of Salmeron. And further than this I did not meddle with the opinion of Cunerus. Therefore in this charge you have played either the Equivocator,
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22 Furthermore, to satisfie your expectation to the full, if I had stepped a degree further in alleaging Cunerus, your owne Barckley would euen out of Cunerus haue iustified my Conclusion:
22 Furthermore, to satisfy your expectation to the full, if I had stepped a degree further in alleging Cunerus, your own Barckley would even out of Cunerus have justified my Conclusion:
for he (vnder standing, by people, All them who are associated together vnder one ciuill law, in one commonwealth, of what kinde, age, wisdome, dignity, soeuer they be ) doth prooue out of Cuncerus, That the King hath not his authority onely from the consent and couenant made betweene the people and the King,
for he (under standing, by people, All them who Are associated together under one civil law, in one commonwealth, of what kind, age, Wisdom, dignity, soever they be) does prove out of Cuncerus, That the King hath not his Authority only from the consent and Covenant made between the people and the King,
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yet may they not be resisted with armes, or violence, but are to be iudged of him, who is greater than all Kings, which is that wisdome and truth, which crieth, Heare, ô Kings,
yet may they not be resisted with arms, or violence, but Are to be judged of him, who is greater than all Kings, which is that Wisdom and truth, which cries, Hear, o Kings,
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It will therefore stand M. Parsons vpon (if he affect truth) to compare this of Barckley and their Cunerus together and trie how he can reconcile either Barckley with Cunerus or else Cunerus with himselfe. M. Parsons his next passage is vnto our Countriman Sayer.
It will Therefore stand M. Parsons upon (if he affect truth) to compare this of Barckley and their Cunerus together and try how he can reconcile either Barckley with Cunerus or Else Cunerus with himself. M. Parsons his next passage is unto our Countryman Sayer.
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and putting down two sorts of contumacies, either manifest, or by presumption; manifest, if a man being cited doth refuse openly to appeare or obey the Iudge:
and putting down two sorts of contumacies, either manifest, or by presumption; manifest, if a man being cited does refuse openly to appear or obey the Judge:
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by Presumption, when he is presumed to be contumacious, and so may excommunication, if it be a spirituall court, proceed against him, as if contumacy were manifest.
by Presumption, when he is presumed to be contumacious, and so may excommunication, if it be a spiritual court, proceed against him, as if contumacy were manifest.
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Is Master Morton so simple in Diuinity, as not to discerne betweene Contumax, and Pertinax, whereof the one is a disobediency towards Superiours, the other is a tenacity of opinion,
Is Master Mortonum so simple in Divinity, as not to discern between Contumax, and Pertinax, whereof the one is a disobediency towards Superiors, the other is a tenacity of opinion,
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23 If M. Parsons would be so equal, as to allow me that, which hee in his owne defence hath alleaged and pretended for himselfe, which is, the excuse of lapse of memory concerning tearmes,
23 If M. Parsons would be so equal, as to allow me that, which he in his own defence hath alleged and pretended for himself, which is, the excuse of lapse of memory Concerning terms,
then can I not be inexcusable herein, because at that time I could not see the booke of Sayer. And although euery Pertinax bee not a Contumax, yet euery Contumax is Pertinax. If I had dealt with Sayer, as their Iesuite Suarez is confessed to haue done with a testimony of Aquinas, when in stead of preordination he put in Subordination, which are flat contrary,
then can I not be inexcusable herein, Because At that time I could not see the book of Sayer. And although every Pertinax be not a Contumax, yet every Contumax is Pertinax. If I had dealt with Sayer, as their Iesuite Suarez is confessed to have done with a testimony of Aquinas, when in stead of preordination he put in Subordination, which Are flat contrary,
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then might it well haue become M. Parsons to call it (according to this Reckoning) The most faithlesse deceit, and corruption that euer any honest man put to paper against an Aduersary.
then might it well have become M. Parsons to call it (according to this Reckoning) The most faithless deceit, and corruption that ever any honest man put to paper against an Adversary.
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24 But if we take the testimony of Sayer, which M. Parsons will acknowledge to be truely his, it will sufficiently prooue the principall matter, which I then intended, which was especially to know in what case Protestants may be thought to stand, by the principles of Sayr, and whether they may not lie vnder the Romish excommunication,
24 But if we take the testimony of Sayer, which M. Parsons will acknowledge to be truly his, it will sufficiently prove the principal matter, which I then intended, which was especially to know in what case Protestants may be Thought to stand, by the principles of Sayr, and whither they may not lie under the Romish excommunication,
but in excommunication by the law it is sufficient that the admonition be generall, which is made of him, who is the Author of the law, whereupon it hapneth, that he who offendeth against the admonition of the law, doth thereby fall presently into excommunication.
but in excommunication by the law it is sufficient that the admonition be general, which is made of him, who is the Author of the law, whereupon it Happeneth, that he who offends against the admonition of the law, does thereby fallen presently into excommunication.
when it is not giuen against any particular person, but generally, which is when it is giuen for future offences, such as are all the censures which are giuen by law,
when it is not given against any particular person, but generally, which is when it is given for future offences, such as Are all the censures which Are given by law,
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Againe, When a man hath beene often mooued to repentance, seeing that now his contumacy is manifest, he may without any further admonition be excommunicated.
Again, When a man hath been often moved to Repentance, seeing that now his contumacy is manifest, he may without any further admonition be excommunicated.
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Let then these rules be but applied against Protestants, whom they call Heretikes, and what shal wee need more for the knowledge of Sayr his iudgement concerning the cause it selfe? M. Parsons would rather haue pondered the matter,
Let then these rules be but applied against Protestants, whom they call Heretics, and what shall we need more for the knowledge of Sayr his judgement Concerning the cause it self? M. Parsons would rather have pondered the matter,
than canuassed words, if he had not beene stronger in raging than in reasoning. CHAP. IIII. Conteining an Answer to other three charges. §. I. The twentith charge, concerning the point of Equiuocation, according the iudgement of Cicero. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
than canvased words, if he had not been Stronger in raging than in reasoning. CHAP. IIII. Containing an Answer to other three charges. §. I. The Twentieth charge, Concerning the point of Equivocation, according the judgement of Cicero. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
euen then, and there where he speaketh of faithfull dealing, against perfidiousnesse, as may tustly make any man admire, what hee did suppose his iudicious Reader would thinke of him,
even then, and there where he speaks of faithful dealing, against perfidiousness, as may tustly make any man admire, what he did suppose his judicious Reader would think of him,
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There was a man ( saith Maister Morton ) who together with nine other prisoners beeing dismissed out of the prison of Carthage, vpon his oth, that hee within a prefixed time should returne againe:
There was a man (Says Master Mortonum) who together with nine other Prisoners being dismissed out of the prison of Carthage, upon his oath, that he within a prefixed time should return again:
Wherefore the graue Senators of Rome sent this cousening mate backe again to the prison of Haniball, their enemie, from whom he had escaped. &c. This example of sincerity in that Heathenish Rome I obiected against the now Christian Rome, to confute the ordinarie doctrine and practise of Equiuocating.
Wherefore the graven Senators of Room sent this cosening mate back again to the prison of Hannibal, their enemy, from whom he had escaped. etc. This Exampl of sincerity in that Heathenish Room I objected against the now Christian Room, to confute the ordinary Doctrine and practice of Equivocating.
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and how hee picketh out one sentence in one place, and another in another, and leapeth forth and backe to make some coherence of speech, contrarie to the Authors order, sense,
and how he picketh out one sentence in one place, and Another in Another, and leapeth forth and back to make Some coherence of speech, contrary to the Authors order, sense,
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2 I did thinke that M. Parsons could not haue so soone forgot his grosse absurdity in syllogizing, which I commended vnto the examination of his Scholars, & wherof he hath beene so much ashamed,
2 I did think that M. Parsons could not have so soon forgotten his gross absurdity in syllogizing, which I commended unto the examination of his Scholars, & whereof he hath been so much ashamed,
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as that being charged for changing the Copula, which in the Maior was [ Maketh ] the Iudges competent, into [ Are ] competent Iudges in the conclusion, which was the great blot and losse of his whole game.
as that being charged for changing the Copula, which in the Mayor was [ Makes ] the Judges competent, into [ are ] competent Judges in the conclusion, which was the great blot and loss of his Whole game.
Therfore I presumed that hee would bee wary, in calling young Scholars any more to witnesse betweene vs. The place is knowne in Tullie his offic. lib. 3. it beginneth at, Sic decem. &c. and endeth at, Ad Hannibalem ducerentur: If I haue mis-reported the substance of the Storie,
Therefore I presumed that he would be wary, in calling young Scholars any more to witness between us The place is known in Tullie his office. lib. 3. it begins At, Sic Decem. etc. and Endeth At, Ad Hannibalem ducerentur: If I have misreported the substance of the Story,
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or made any excursion out of the due compasse thereof, then let his Scholar - boies (for I desire not to trouble men with these triflings) hold mee worthy of his taxation.
or made any excursion out of the due compass thereof, then let his Scholar - boys (for I desire not to trouble men with these triflings) hold me worthy of his taxation.
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As for the calling of the place Carthage, which Tully nameth Castra, quorum erant potiti Poeni, that is, The campe, which the Carthaginians did hold, and wherein the man was kept prisoner, it cannot helpe or hinder the point of Equiuocating.
As for the calling of the place Carthage, which Tully names Castles, quorum Erant potiti Poeni, that is, The camp, which the Carthaginians did hold, and wherein the man was kept prisoner, it cannot help or hinder the point of Equivocating.
The most notorious cousenages, that he poruerteth all Cicero his meaning, words, sense, and discourse in this matter, alleaging them quite contrary to himselfe,
The most notorious cozenages, that he poruerteth all Cicero his meaning, words, sense, and discourse in this matter, alleging them quite contrary to himself,
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3 If I shall free my selfe from the note of cousenage, then all that M. Parsons will allow mee in the conquest is onely the reputation of a man: this is an excellent gamster, hee will cast at me, and aduenture nothing himselfe.
3 If I shall free my self from the note of cozenage, then all that M. Parsons will allow me in the conquest is only the reputation of a man: this is an excellent gamester, he will cast At me, and adventure nothing himself.
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But, good M. Parsons, if you will say that I haue plaied the man, when I haue freed my selfe from this slander of cousenage, what will you giue mee leaue to call you,
But, good M. Parsons, if you will say that I have played the man, when I have freed my self from this slander of cozenage, what will you give me leave to call you,
but of that animal the foxe, which you propounded vnto your Equiuocators, as a naturall example for their imitations? Let the wager be but indifferent,
but of that animal the fox, which you propounded unto your Equivocators, as a natural Exampl for their imitations? Let the wager be but indifferent,
First, I say that if they sware absolutely to returne againe, if they obteined not their sute, they were bound truly and sincerely to performe the same.
First, I say that if they sware absolutely to return again, if they obtained not their suit, they were bound truly and sincerely to perform the same.
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some of yours who haue beene prisoners by the law of the land, according to the law of nature in cases of meere treason, somtime (notwithstanding their oathes vnto their keepers to bee true prisoners) haue made vse of their heeles and after their escape haue found intertainment and securitie in the now Rome. Neither may you answere, that such men sware not absolutely, but equiuocatingly, for so (you know) did that faithlesse prisoner, whom the Senate therefore sent backe againe in a vengeance vnto Haniball. All this while we heare nothing of Mentall Reseruation. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Some of yours who have been Prisoners by the law of the land, according to the law of nature in cases of mere treason, sometime (notwithstanding their Oaths unto their keepers to be true Prisoners) have made use of their heals and After their escape have found entertainment and security in the now Rome. Neither may you answer, that such men sware not absolutely, but equivocatingly, for so (you know) did that faithless prisoner, whom the Senate Therefore sent back again in a vengeance unto Hannibal. All this while we hear nothing of Mental Reservation. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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Est 〈 ◊ 〉 (saith he) ius etiam bellicum, fidésque iurisiurandi saepe hosti seruanda: quod enim ità iuratum est, vt mens couciperet fieri oportere, id seruandum est:
Est 〈 ◊ 〉 (Says he) Just etiam bellicum, fidésque iurisiurandi saepe hosti seruanda: quod enim ità iuratum est, vt Mens couciperet fieri oportere, id seruandum est:
but if it be otherwise sworne, that is no periurie, if he performe it 〈 ◊ 〉 Beholde heere the very same distinction, which Catholike Diuines put downe of swearing according to the intention and vnderstanding of the swearer,
but if it be otherwise sworn, that is no perjury, if he perform it 〈 ◊ 〉 Behold Here the very same distinction, which Catholic Divines put down of swearing according to the intention and understanding of the swearer,
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but if it be otherwise sworne, that is no periurie, if he performe it not, ] that Cicero did vnderstand some reserued clause conceiued in the minde mixed with the outward speech, to make vp one full proposition, such as is their Priestly Equiuocation, I am no Priest, conceiuing inwardly, with purpose to tell it vnto you:
but if it be otherwise sworn, that is no perjury, if he perform it not, ] that Cicero did understand Some reserved clause conceived in the mind mixed with the outward speech, to make up one full proposition, such as is their Priestly Equivocation, I am no Priest, conceiving inwardly, with purpose to tell it unto you:
albeit they be euen our hostile enemies, vnto whom (as hee speaketh in the words immediatly going before) there is a faithfulnesse due, according by the common law of armes, That oath is to be obserued, and may not be broken:
albeit they be even our hostile enemies, unto whom (as he speaks in the words immediately going before) there is a faithfulness due, according by the Common law of arms, That oath is to be observed, and may not be broken:
but if wee sweare otherwise, that is, vnto them vnto whom wee thinke that there is no fidelitie due, such as are Pirats, that oath, although it be not performed, yet is it not periurie, that is, in the exterior Court of men,
but if we swear otherwise, that is, unto them unto whom we think that there is no Fidis due, such as Are Pirates, that oath, although it be not performed, yet is it not perjury, that is, in the exterior Court of men,
because Pirats, and such perfidious kinde of men (of whom he speaketh in the next words) who are transgressors of the law of Nations, haue no authoritie to iudge it periurie.
Because Pirates, and such perfidious kind of men (of whom he speaks in the next words) who Are transgressors of the law of nations, have no Authority to judge it perjury.
6 If this exposition, concerning the outward Court of man, do not satisfie M. Parsons, I shall not refuse to ioyne issue vpon the inward Court of the minde and conscience.
6 If this exposition, Concerning the outward Court of man, do not satisfy M. Parsons, I shall not refuse to join issue upon the inward Court of the mind and conscience.
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If our Equiuocators will allow this proposition, then must they say that no man can be periured in swearing any thing, which he thinketh to be vnlawfull; but this is incredible:
If our Equivocators will allow this proposition, then must they say that no man can be perjured in swearing any thing, which he Thinketh to be unlawful; but this is incredible:
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for when a man sweareth with his mouth, saying, This I will giue thee, and in his minde shall conceiue, yet I will not giue thee this, because I ought not;
for when a man Sweareth with his Mouth, saying, This I will give thee, and in his mind shall conceive, yet I will not give thee this, Because I ought not;
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these are two diuerse, and partly contradictorie propositions, and make not a mixt proposition, which is the only point that the Equiuocators do defend.
these Are two diverse, and partly contradictory propositions, and make not a mixed proposition, which is the only point that the Equivocators do defend.
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nè si iuratus id non feceris, &c. If thou should not pay the price or ransome vnto publike theeues, which was agreed between you for sauing of your life, it is no deceit, no though you had sworne to performe it, &c. The Reuiew.
nè si iuratus id non feceris, etc. If thou should not pay the price or ransom unto public thieves, which was agreed between you for Saving of your life, it is no deceit, no though you had sworn to perform it, etc. The Reuiew.
This verifieth my former exposition, concerning the outward Court of man, supposing that the meaning of Cicero is, that seeing Theeues and Robbers are outlawes, the oath which shall not be kept with them can not be periury,
This verifieth my former exposition, Concerning the outward Court of man, supposing that the meaning of Cicero is, that seeing Thieves and Robbers Are outlaws, the oath which shall not be kept with them can not be perjury,
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for when there is no Ius, which is to be violated, there can be no periurium. And in all this there is no note of our Equiuocators mixt clause of Reseruation, which the sequell will more fully explaine. M. PARSONS his Reckoning. It followeth in Cicero:
for when there is no Just, which is to be violated, there can be no periurium. And in all this there is no note of our Equivocators mixed clause of Reservation, which the sequel will more Fully explain. M. PARSONS his Reckoning. It follows in Cicero:
And the same Philosopher alloweth the very same example of swearing, with a reserued intention, to a publike theefe without either meaning or obligation to performe it. The Reuiew.
And the same Philosopher alloweth the very same Exampl of swearing, with a reserved intention, to a public thief without either meaning or obligation to perform it. The Reuiew.
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8 This is soone said by you of Cicero, and may as easily be confuted out of Cicero, who held that the oath, which he spake of, is false, and also that notwithstanding the falsitie thereof, it was lawfull to vse it against theeues, who are lawlessemen:
8 This is soon said by you of Cicero, and may as Easily be confuted out of Cicero, who held that the oath, which he spoke of, is false, and also that notwithstanding the falsity thereof, it was lawful to use it against thieves, who Are lawlessemen:
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9 For proofe that Cicero thought that to be lawfull, which Christians call a lie, we need not the coniectures of your Sotus, who saith, with a peraduenture, that It was the opinion of some Philosophers, that it is lawfull to lie,
9 For proof that Cicero Thought that to be lawful, which Christians call a lie, we need not the Conjectures of your Sotus, who Says, with a Peradventure, that It was the opinion of Some Philosophers, that it is lawful to lie,
for the auoiding of some grieuous euill, which they called a mercifull lie, whereof there is mention in Plato Tom. 3. de Repub. and in Cicero pro Q. Ligario.
for the avoiding of Some grievous evil, which they called a merciful lie, whereof there is mention in Plato Tom. 3. de Republic and in Cicero Pro Q. Ligario.
Of Plato there can be no difficultie, for he allowed Physicians to lie vnto their Patients, to the end that by cordiall words they might better reuiue them.
Of Plato there can be no difficulty, for he allowed Physicians to lie unto their Patients, to the end that by cordial words they might better revive them.
Can there be a greater falshood in speech? Yet hee calleth this no periurie, because this being done to theeues, who liue vnder no law of men, there is no law of man that will in that case condemne a man of periurie.
Can there be a greater falsehood in speech? Yet he calls this no perjury, Because this being done to thieves, who live under no law of men, there is no law of man that will in that case condemn a man of perjury.
But if contrariwise the like oath should be made vnto men, who liued vnder a common law, Cicero calleth it periurie, because in this case words are conceiued more nostro, that is, according vnto humane fashion of speech, which amongst ciuill men in the outward Court exacteth a performance,
But if contrariwise the like oath should be made unto men, who lived under a Common law, Cicero calls it perjury, Because in this case words Are conceived more nostro, that is, according unto humane fashion of speech, which among civil men in the outward Court exacteth a performance,
and not to do this is periuric. I would but demand of M. Parsons, If one of his Equiuocators should make such an oath to a theefe, which he meaneth not to performe,
and not to do this is periuric. I would but demand of M. Parsons, If one of his Equivocators should make such an oath to a thief, which he means not to perform,
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whether therein he sweare false, or no? If he shall say, No; then is he condemned by Cicero, who saith that it was falsum iurare, that is, to sweare a false thing.
whither therein he swear false, or no? If he shall say, No; then is he condemned by Cicero, who Says that it was falsum Jurare, that is, to swear a false thing.
If he say yea, then is not that true which they sweare, and consequently (how soeuer it stand in the outward court of man) it being false, it must be in it selfe,
If he say yea, then is not that true which they swear, and consequently (how soever it stand in the outward court of man) it being false, it must be in it self,
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11. The second Argument issueth out of his application of the verse of Euripedes, alleaged by M. Parsons; I haue sworne with my tongue, but my minde hath not sworne.
11. The second Argument issueth out of his application of the verse of Euripides, alleged by M. Parsons; I have sworn with my tongue, but my mind hath not sworn.
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which is as absurd a collection, as could haue beene made, for the oth, signified in this verse, we see a swearing with the tongue, and a not swearing with the minde, that is, the tongue is diuided and distracted from the minde;
which is as absurd a collection, as could have been made, for the oath, signified in this verse, we see a swearing with the tongue, and a not swearing with the mind, that is, the tongue is divided and distracted from the mind;
the tongue promising and saying [ I will giue thee this ] the mind denying and gainsaying thus [ I will not giue thee this, ] which in Christianity cannot but be a maine lie, according vnto the vulgar description vsed by S. Augustine, Mentiri est contrà mentem ire:
the tongue promising and saying [ I will give thee this ] the mind denying and gainsaying thus [ I will not give thee this, ] which in Christianity cannot but be a main lie, according unto the Vulgar description used by S. Augustine, Mentiri est contrà mentem ire:
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But the Equiuocators are refined falsificators, for that they may auoide the infamy of a lie, which must needs be in two contradictory propositions, they haue inuented a tricke, to put two propositions in one,
But the Equivocators Are refined falsificators, for that they may avoid the infamy of a lie, which must needs be in two contradictory propositions, they have invented a trick, to put two propositions in one,
If therefore the Equiuocatours will defend Cicero his reseruation, then must they professe flat lying, affirming with their mouth, that which they deny in their minde.
If Therefore the Equiuocatours will defend Cicero his reservation, then must they profess flat lying, affirming with their Mouth, that which they deny in their mind.
But if they will maintaine only their mixt proposition by Mental Reseruation, they must seeke another Parron for it than Cicero, who neuer fancied any such conceit.
But if they will maintain only their mixed proposition by Mental Reservation, they must seek Another Parron for it than Cicero, who never fancied any such conceit.
But our Equiuotors can professe and practise their art of delusion among Christians, yea and (as M. Parsons hath taught vs) in deceiuing our deere friendes.
But our Equiuotors can profess and practise their art of delusion among Christians, yea and (as M. Parsons hath taught us) in deceiving our deer Friends.
13 What sound conscience can M. Parsons haue in himselfe, who iudgeth that any man can thinke he may lawfully in his conscience streine the truth? if M. Parsons measure vs by the footings of his owne kinde, who iustifie euill acts, that are done with good intentions, such as were they that called the lies of Indulgences Godly deceits, he is deceiued:
13 What found conscience can M. Parsons have in himself, who Judgeth that any man can think he may lawfully in his conscience strain the truth? if M. Parsons measure us by the footing's of his own kind, who justify evil acts, that Are done with good intentions, such as were they that called the lies of Indulgences Godly Deceits, he is deceived:
and in this the inward thought of my heart to wirnesse (for a testimony betweene vs in that day) that I am perswaded that Mentall Equiuocation (as it is described and professed by M. Parsons, and practised by some of his fellowes) is a perfect lie,
and in this the inward Thought of my heart to wirnesse (for a testimony between us in that day) that I am persuaded that Mental Equivocation (as it is described and professed by M. Parsons, and practised by Some of his Fellows) is a perfect lie,
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and that this Syren or Mare-maide, which is halfe woman, and halfe fish, I meane their Mixt proposition, which they will haue to be part in the mouth, and part in the minde, will neuer be prooued out of Cicero, or any Heathenish Author.
and that this Syren or Mare-maid, which is half woman, and half Fish, I mean their Mixed proposition, which they will have to be part in the Mouth, and part in the mind, will never be proved out of Cicero, or any Heathenish Author.
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Which point I insisted vpon in my Full satisfaction, but haue not receiued from M. Parsous the least shadow of satisfaction heereunto, out of the writing of any Heathen Philosopher,
Which point I insisted upon in my Full satisfaction, but have not received from M. Parsous the least shadow of satisfaction hereunto, out of the writing of any Heathen Philosopher,
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except only the now alleged sentences of Cicero, who, according to his owne confession, held a false oath to be lawful, which is more than our AEquinocators will seeme to dare to defend;
except only the now alleged sentences of Cicero, who, according to his own Confessi, held a false oath to be lawful, which is more than our AEquinocators will seem to Dare to defend;
The first in that he relateth a certaine cholerique speech of the said D. Barkley vsed against an argumont of D. Boucher, as though it had beene spoken against Bellarmine, whom it concerned not, &c. Which is a wilfull corruption. The Reuiew.
The First in that he relateth a certain choleric speech of the said D. Barkley used against an argumont of D. Boucher, as though it had been spoken against Bellarmine, whom it concerned not, etc. Which is a wilful corruption. The Reuiew.
For he that will but view the place, shall not finde in the translation so much as mention of either Bellarmine or Boucher; but I said onely that your D. Barkley calleth your assertion most false: which in the margent I noted to be the assertion of Bellarmine, mentioned not in Barkley, but in the 3. cap. Suprà, to wit, in the same booke of my Full Satisfaction, as it there plainly appeareth.
For he that will but view the place, shall not find in the Translation so much as mention of either Bellarmine or Boucher; but I said only that your D. Barkley calls your assertion most false: which in the margin I noted to be the assertion of Bellarmine, mentioned not in Barkley, but in the 3. cap. Suprà, to wit, in the same book of my Full Satisfaction, as it there plainly appears.
Notwithstanding, if I had brought in Barkley to confute Bellarmine by name, Barkley himselfe would haue iustified me, who doth expresly and professedly write against Bellarmine vpon the very same point, as I shal shew.
Notwithstanding, if I had brought in Barkley to confute Bellarmine by name, Barkley himself would have justified me, who does expressly and professedly write against Bellarmine upon the very same point, as I shall show.
but vpon the maner of proofe, by the examples alleaged by D. Boucher, of Ieroboam, Ozias, Athalia, and some other Princes, in whose punishment God vsed Priests for meanes and instruments.
but upon the manner of proof, by the Examples alleged by D. Boucher, of Jeroboam, Ozias, Athalia, and Some other Princes, in whose punishment God used Priests for means and Instruments.
Your owne Doctour calleth this your assertion most false, and contrary to the direct history of the Bible, to wit, That Ozias was deposed of his kingdome by Azarias the high Priest.
Your own Doctor calls this your assertion most false, and contrary to the Direct history of the bible, to wit, That Ozias was deposed of his Kingdom by Azarias the high Priest.
than there is betweene these two opinions of Bellarmine and Barckley? 18 Notwithstanding, in M. Parsons his seeming, Barckley, his oddes is not so great.
than there is between these two opinions of Bellarmine and Barckley? 18 Notwithstanding, in M. Parsons his seeming, Barckley, his odds is not so great.
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Barkley was so far from agreeing with Bellarmine in this point, that he writ a large Chapter against him by name, to confute his many rebellious positions made against the authority of Kings;
Barkley was so Far from agreeing with Bellarmine in this point, that he writ a large Chapter against him by name, to confute his many rebellious positions made against the Authority of Kings;
And now I leaue this fraud of M. Parsons to be named by himselfe, presuming that he that he that called my true Allegation Inexcusable, will not want a proper Epithet best befitting his owne guiltinesse. SECT. III. The summe of the two and twentieth charge. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
And now I leave this fraud of M. Parsons to be nam by himself, presuming that he that he that called my true Allegation Inexcusable, will not want a proper Epithet best befitting his own guiltiness. SECT. III. The sum of the two and twentieth charge. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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THe second is about an authority of S. Ambrose, craftily cut off from the speech of the said D. Barkley by M. Morton, whereof my accusation in my former Treatise was this, viz. But yet if I would examine ( quoth I ) the particular authorities that be alleaged about this matter,
THe second is about an Authority of S. Ambrose, craftily Cut off from the speech of the said D. Barkley by M. Mortonum, whereof my accusation in my former Treatise was this, viz. But yet if I would examine (quoth I) the particular authorities that be alleged about this matter,
though nothing making against vs, as hath beene said, and consider how many false shifts are vsed by T. M. therein, you would say that he were a Doctor indeed in that science,
though nothing making against us, as hath been said, and Consider how many false shifts Are used by T. M. therein, you would say that he were a Doctor indeed in that science,
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when he would take a Church from him for the Arrians: but he setteth not downe what answer his Doctor Barkley doth alleage in the very same place, which is, Allegatur Imperatori licere omnia, &c. It is alleaged, that it is lawfull for the Emperor to doe all things,
when he would take a Church from him for the Arians: but he sets not down what answer his Doctor Barkley does allege in the very same place, which is, Allegatur Imperatori licere omnia, etc. It is alleged, that it is lawful for the Emperor to do all things,
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for that all things are his (and consequently that he may assigne a Church vnto the Arrians.) Whereto I answer (saith S. Ambrose ) Trouble not your selfe, O Emperour,
for that all things Are his (and consequently that he may assign a Church unto the Arians.) Whereto I answer (Says S. Ambrose) Trouble not your self, Oh Emperor,
nor thinke that you haue Imperiall right ouer those things that are Diuine. Doe not exalt your selfe, but if you will raigne long, be subiect vnto God:
nor think that you have Imperial right over those things that Are Divine. Do not exalt your self, but if you will Reign long, be Subject unto God:
For the matter in question being this, Whether it be lawfull for Catholikes to raise tumults against Hereticall Magistrates, euen when they haue force to resist, which is the now generall doctrine of Romish writers (as there appeared) I,
For the matter in question being this, Whither it be lawful for Catholics to raise tumults against Heretical Magistrates, even when they have force to resist, which is the now general Doctrine of Romish writers (as there appeared) I,
for confutation heereof, alleaged Barkley, who writeth thus of S. Ambrose. S. Ambrose (saith he) was sufficiently armed both by the power of the people,
for confutation hereof, alleged Barkley, who Writeth thus of S. Ambrose. S. Ambrose (Says he) was sufficiently armed both by the power of the people,
and souldiers, and strengthened by the might of Christ, yet would he not defend his Church with violence, no not against the furie of an Heriticall Emperour. The whole question being not of resisting by disobedience, which is not obeying a wicked command,
and Soldiers, and strengthened by the might of christ, yet would he not defend his Church with violence, no not against the fury of an Heriticall Emperor. The Whole question being not of resisting by disobedience, which is not obeying a wicked command,
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This causeth me to wonder at the palenesse of M. Parsons his face, who blusheth not to insist in that example and Author, wherein both he and all his Complices, who like Heralds proclaime Armes and violence against the maiesty of Kings, to depose them, are so literally,
This Causes me to wonder At the paleness of M. Parsons his face, who blusheth not to insist in that Exampl and Author, wherein both he and all his Accomplices, who like Heralds proclaim Arms and violence against the majesty of Kings, to depose them, Are so literally,
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20 Which confession of Barkley may serue for a muzzle for Alan, Rainolds, Coster, Creswell, Bellarmine, Symancha, and my good friend M. Parsons, who doe generally professe a violent resistance of them, whom they call Hereticall Kings,
20 Which Confessi of Barkley may serve for a muzzle for Alan, Reynolds, Coster, Creswell, Bellarmine, Symancha, and my good friend M. Parsons, who do generally profess a violent resistance of them, whom they call Heretical Kings,
when as (wherein I dare appeale vnto any Reader of what profession soeuer) neither M. Parsons, nor any Iesuit can haue a greater Aduersary in this cause, not onely in that place,
when as (wherein I Dare appeal unto any Reader of what profession soever) neither M. Parsons, nor any Iesuit can have a greater Adversary in this cause, not only in that place,
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1 THe Question was, whether our Aduersaries doe offer greater indignity vnto Kings, than vnto Popes, by their Doctrine of Deposing of Heretikes. The Moderate Answerer held that they Doe not: I went diameter,
1 THe Question was, whither our Adversaries do offer greater indignity unto Kings, than unto Popes, by their Doctrine of Deposing of Heretics. The Moderate Answerer held that they Do not: I went diameter,
when they command obedience vnto Doctrines, as Kings, they may become Heretikes, and thereby they are made by them liable vnto the censure of deposing.
when they command Obedience unto Doctrines, as Kings, they may become Heretics, and thereby they Are made by them liable unto the censure of deposing.
or Alone without a Councell. Whereupon I inferred this mine owne Consequence (as the Characters should haue distinguished) that by this doctrine, A Pope cannot be deposed;
or Alone without a Council. Whereupon I inferred this mine own Consequence (as the Characters should have distinguished) that by this Doctrine, A Pope cannot be deposed;
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2 The Antecedent, viz. Popes as Popes cannot be Heretiks, I vndertooke to prooue to be the Romish Tenet, from the confession of Bellarmine, Greg. Valentia, Salmeron, Canus, Stapleton, and Costerus. And now M. Parsons is desirous to be heard speake, this being his last Charge: He hath rammed his peece full,
2 The Antecedent, viz. Popes as Popes cannot be Heretics, I undertook to prove to be the Romish Tenet, from the Confessi of Bellarmine, Greg. Valentia, Salmeron, Canus, Stapleton, and Costerus. And now M. Parsons is desirous to be herd speak, this being his last Charge: He hath rammed his piece full,
3 Not so M. Parsons: for albeit I shal not refuse to heare Canus speake, yet is there no reason that he should be therefore the spokes-man for the rest,
3 Not so M. Parsons: for albeit I shall not refuse to hear Canus speak, yet is there no reason that he should be Therefore the spokesman for the rest,
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Vpon this Antecedent I built this Consequence, that by the same doctrine it must necessarily follow, that then As'Popes they cannot be deposed for Heresic.
Upon this Antecedent I built this Consequence, that by the same Doctrine it must necessarily follow, that then As'Popes they cannot be deposed for Heresic.
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That Popes may be Heretikes, as Popes, and consequently may be deposed. The Reuiew. 4 If the foresaid Authors do affirme that Popes, as Popes, may be Heritikes, nay,
That Popes may be Heretics, as Popes, and consequently may be deposed. The Reuiew. 4 If the foresaid Authors do affirm that Popes, as Popes, may be Heretics, nay,
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And Carerius doth follow Bellarminc verbatim, yea Syllabatim, saying, Opinio est erronea &c. and Piè credendum, &c. concluding that A Pope, as Pope, cannot be an Heretike.
And Carerius does follow Bellarminc verbatim, yea Syllabatim, saying, Opinio est erronea etc. and Piè credendum, etc. concluding that A Pope, as Pope, cannot be an Heretic.
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Seeing then that Bellarmine doth confute M. Parsons euen in terminis, it is not to be maruelled, that M. Parsons chose rather Canus than Bellarmine, to speake for all the rest.
Seeing then that Bellarmine does confute M. Parsons even in terminis, it is not to be marveled, that M. Parsons chosen rather Canus than Bellarmine, to speak for all the rest.
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Salmeron defendeth the same position, calling this the Singular prerogatiue of the Pope, that as Pope he cannot erre in determining any thing against faith.
Salmeron defendeth the same position, calling this the Singular prerogative of the Pope, that as Pope he cannot err in determining any thing against faith.
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And thus the Antecedent is cleerely ratified by all the fiue witnesses, whom I alleaged. I proceed now to the Consequence. The Consequence. 6. The Argument standeth thus:
And thus the Antecedent is clearly ratified by all the fiue Witnesses, whom I alleged. I proceed now to the Consequence. The Consequence. 6. The Argument Stands thus:
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7 Doth this Assertion, Popes may be heretikes, contradict the former, Popes as Popes can not be heretikes? Is not this an excellent fallacie? Good M. Parsons remember your owne rules:
7 Does this Assertion, Popes may be Heretics, contradict the former, Popes as Popes can not be Heretics? Is not this an excellent fallacy? Good M. Parsons Remember your own rules:
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Hearing it as no Priest, he may reueale it? Haue you not yet learned to distinguish of the two kinde of persons in the Pope, as well as in a Priest? the one publike, as Pope, the other priuate, as a particular Doctor? Neuerthelesse,
Hearing it as no Priest, he may reveal it? Have you not yet learned to distinguish of the two kind of Persons in the Pope, as well as in a Priest? the one public, as Pope, the other private, as a particular Doctor? Nevertheless,
although all my dispute was concerning the publike person of the Pope, to proue that by their doctrine the Pope as Pope can not be an heretike, yet shall I be contented to step a little neerer vnto M. Parsons his apprehension,
although all my dispute was Concerning the public person of the Pope, to prove that by their Doctrine the Pope as Pope can not be an heretic, yet shall I be contented to step a little nearer unto M. Parsons his apprehension,
8 I leaue the former respect of Pope as Pope, &c. the cleerenesse whereof was such in Bellarm. lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. that itmay I ceme to haue dazled M. Parsons his braines, insomuch that he started backe from that place alleged,
8 I leave the former respect of Pope as Pope, etc. the clearness whereof was such in Bellarmine lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. that itmay I ceme to have dazzled M. Parsons his brains, insomuch that he started back from that place alleged,
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9 Doth then Bellarmine speake this vpon his certaine beleefe, that either a Pope can be an heretike, or els that Honorius was truly deposedfor heresie? Both which, M. Parsons, as it seemeth, would make vs beleeue.
9 Does then Bellarmine speak this upon his certain belief, that either a Pope can be an heretic, or Else that Honorius was truly deposedfor heresy? Both which, M. Parsons, as it seems, would make us believe.
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But Bellarmine in the same place saith, that it is probable, and easily to be defended (which he before held to be piously beleeued ) to wit, that a Pope cannot be an beretike.
But Bellarmine in the same place Says, that it is probable, and Easily to be defended (which he before held to be piously believed) to wit, that a Pope cannot be an beretike.
And elswhere more exactly answering vnto an obiection taken out of the foresaid Can. Si Papa, which was this, Seeing that that and other Canons teach that the Pope cannot be iudged,
And elsewhere more exactly answering unto an objection taken out of the foresaid Can. Si Papa, which was this, Seeing that that and other Canonas teach that the Pope cannot be judged,
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10 Concerning Honorius, Bellarmine in the clause of the same sentence, which M. Parsons hath alleaged, held it for probable, that Honorius was not an heretike:
10 Concerning Honorius, Bellarmine in the clause of the same sentence, which M. Parsons hath alleged, held it for probable, that Honorius was not an heretic:
in whose defence he bestoweth a large Chapter, wherein he is so bolde as to say, that the foresaid Councell was deceiued, in iudging that Honorius was guiltie of heresie. Could M. Parsons be ignorant of this?
in whose defence he bestoweth a large Chapter, wherein he is so bold as to say, that the foresaid Council was deceived, in judging that Honorius was guilty of heresy. Could M. Parsons be ignorant of this?
There is no Persian law which will allow you such a marriage, but yet we finde (say they) a law which doth licence the K. of Persia to doe what he list.
There is no Persian law which will allow you such a marriage, but yet we find (say they) a law which does licence the K. of Persiam to do what he list.
So some Romish Authours likewise, although they say that a Pope being an beretike may be deposed, yet haue they also taught, that the Pope can not be an heretike:
So Some Romish Authors likewise, although they say that a Pope being an beretike may be deposed, yet have they also taught, that the Pope can not be an heretic:
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and if not iudged, then how shall he be deposed? For if hee shall happen to teach an heresie, (seeing that we may not belecue that he can be an heretik) let him teach what he list, he may not be suspected of heresie;
and if not judged, then how shall he be deposed? For if he shall happen to teach an heresy, (seeing that we may not belecue that he can be an heretic) let him teach what he list, he may not be suspected of heresy;
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if not suspected, then not iudged, or condemned, and then consequently not deposed for heresie, which is our maine Consequence. And for a further confutation I adde as followeth.
if not suspected, then not judged, or condemned, and then consequently not deposed for heresy, which is our main Consequence. And for a further confutation I add as follows.
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That their position, concerning Deposing a Pope, is but a cunning delusion. §. III. 12 Bellarmine doth consider two capacities in the Pope, the first is in respect of his Temporall Princedome; the other in respect of his Spirituall Pastourship and Popedome. Concerning his Temporall state, The Pope as other Princes (saith Bellarmine) may ackno wledge no superiour in Temporall matters:
That their position, Concerning Deposing a Pope, is but a cunning delusion. §. III. 12 Bellarmine does Consider two capacities in the Pope, the First is in respect of his Temporal Princedom; the other in respect of his Spiritual Pastourship and Popedom. Concerning his Temporal state, The Pope as other Princes (Says Bellarmine) may ackno wledge no superior in Temporal matters:
but in examining the Spirituall Iurisdiction, We say (saith he, answering in the name of the rest) that the Pope can not be iudged vpon earth by any Prince Christian,
but in examining the Spiritual Jurisdiction, We say (Says he, answering in the name of the rest) that the Pope can not be judged upon earth by any Prince Christian,
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and not offaith, yet when (supposing that a Pope may be an heretike ) we shall demand how a Pope may be deposed, what will our Aduersaries answer? For either must the Pope relinquish his Popedome, together with his Temporall Princedome voluntarily, or els by violence:
and not offaith, yet when (supposing that a Pope may be an heretic) we shall demand how a Pope may be deposed, what will our Adversaries answer? For either must the Pope relinquish his Popedom, together with his Temporal Princedom voluntarily, or Else by violence:
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but not voluntarily, because Obstinacie (that iron sinew) being a propertie of heresie, the Pope will not voluntarily remoue, especially, out of so rich a Chaire.
but not voluntarily, Because Obstinacy (that iron sinew) being a property of heresy, the Pope will not voluntarily remove, especially, out of so rich a Chair.
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13 From these premises our Christian Reader may vnderstand, first the trueth of my former assertion, to wit, that the Romish Doctors beleeue that The Pope, as Pope, can not be an heretike.
13 From these premises our Christian Reader may understand, First the truth of my former assertion, to wit, that the Romish Doctors believe that The Pope, as Pope, can not be an heretic.
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Secondly, the vanity of M. Parsons his obiection, that being heretikes they may be deposed, seeing that they must not beleeue that any Pope can be a pertinacious heretike.
Secondly, the vanity of M. Parsons his objection, that being Heretics they may be deposed, seeing that they must not believe that any Pope can be a pertinacious heretic.
but for other causes, and yet denie that the Pope may be deposed, Although he should do any thing preiudiciall to the vniuersall state of the Church, as their Carerius taught:
but for other Causes, and yet deny that the Pope may be deposed, Although he should do any thing prejudicial to the universal state of the Church, as their Carerius taught:
And now wee see the height of Papall prerogatiue, and therein the depth of Antichristian tyrannie. CHAP. VI. Conteining a briefe Censure vpon a late little Pamphlet, intituled, A PATERNE OF A PROTESTANT;
And now we see the height of Papal prerogative, and therein the depth of Antichristian tyranny. CHAP. VI. Containing a brief Censure upon a late little Pamphlet, entitled, A PATERNE OF A PROTESTANT;
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1 IT is now almost foure yeeres since my Booke of Ful Satisfaction was published in answer vnto the Moderate Answerer: in all which time I heard nothing of this fellow, who Endymion - like seemed vnto mee to haue slept a drowsie sleepe;
1 IT is now almost foure Years since my Book of Full Satisfaction was published in answer unto the Moderate Answerer: in all which time I herd nothing of this fellow, who Endymion - like seemed unto me to have slept a drowsy sleep;
yet now at length hee beginneth to rowze himselfe, and to tell vs his dreame of a Paterne of a Protestant; or as though some man had serued a Latitat vpon him,
yet now At length he begins to rouse himself, and to tell us his dream of a Pattern of a Protestant; or as though Some man had served a Latitat upon him,
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Therefore he holding it a shame at least not to saie something, he commeth in clamorously with a scurrilous libell, which the wise Reader will discerne to haue been penned rather for the vexation of his aduersary,
Therefore he holding it a shame At least not to say something, he comes in clamorously with a scurrilous libel, which the wise Reader will discern to have been penned rather for the vexation of his adversary,
2 CArdinall Bellarmine censuring a Venetian Doctor, who printed a booke, without prefixing his name before it, telleth him that The Councell of Trent Sess. 4. doth exact, vpon paine of excommunication, that no bookes concerning Diuine matters be printed without the Authors name,
2 CArdinall Bellarmine censuring a Venetian Doctor, who printed a book, without prefixing his name before it, Telleth him that The Council of Trent Sess. 4. does exact, upon pain of excommunication, that no books Concerning Divine matters be printed without the Authors name,
and therefore ought he first to seeke an absolution for his contempt against their Churches order before that he can iustly expect of me an Answer to his calumnious Pamphlet.
and Therefore ought he First to seek an absolution for his contempt against their Churches order before that he can justly expect of me an Answer to his calumnious Pamphlet.
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and was one of them that was assigned to be one of the three Catholike Disputants to performe it against you all, either feared scratcing or biting of you, or your best biting dogges. The Censure.
and was one of them that was assigned to be one of the three Catholic Disputants to perform it against you all, either feared scratcing or biting of you, or your best biting Dogs. The Censure.
but I perceiue by the testimony which he beareth of himselfe, that he is a famous and learned Challenger, one assigned among the three Worthies to dispute with all Bishops and Doctors of our profession.
but I perceive by the testimony which he bears of himself, that he is a famous and learned Challenger, one assigned among the three Worthies to dispute with all Bishops and Doctors of our profession.
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But when we would know who this worthy Disputer is, and where we may finde him, his name is Nemo, & his aboad is Nusquàm, who (if we shall not trust him) will neuer deceiue vs. We haue heard of his authority, shall we heare something of his honesty? The Pamphleter.
But when we would know who this worthy Disputer is, and where we may find him, his name is Nemo, & his abode is Nusquàm, who (if we shall not trust him) will never deceive us We have herd of his Authority, shall we hear something of his honesty? The Pamphleter.
4 The Challenge which M. Parsons made was that I should note but any one man of that profession, who might be found guilty of falshoods, by wilful abuse of his Authors.
4 The Challenge which M. Parsons made was that I should note but any one man of that profession, who might be found guilty of falsehoods, by wilful abuse of his Authors.
I therefore for my Aduersaries better satisfaction thought to single out Bellarmine, one of the tallest Firre-trees of their Libanon, which so ouershaddowed this Pamphleter that I could not see him;
I Therefore for my Adversaries better satisfaction Thought to single out Bellarmine, one of the Tallest Firtrees of their Lebanon, which so ouershaddowed this Pamphleter that I could not see him;
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Could this be one of the Three select Disputants, that argueth so absurdly? Before I end this Censure, he will know that it was not the syncerity of his dealing,
Could this be one of the Three select Disputants, that argue so absurdly? Before I end this Censure, he will know that it was not the sincerity of his dealing,
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as may appeare both by his present vnconscionable challinge of me, and also from his former dissolute and immoderate Answer vnto the booke of Discouery. In his present Pamphlet he signifieth first what he will not,
as may appear both by his present unconscionable challinge of me, and also from his former dissolute and immoderate Answer unto the book of Discovery. In his present Pamphlet he signifies First what he will not,
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I will omit all things, whereof he hath beene by others admonished, intending onely to take the leauings of his Romane Aduersary ( meaning, M. Parsons ) and not to burden M. Morton with any thing that he chargeth him withall. The Censure. SECT. II.
I will omit all things, whereof he hath been by Others admonished, intending only to take the leavings of his Roman Adversary (meaning, M. Parsons) and not to burden M. Mortonum with any thing that he charges him withal. The Censure. SECT. II
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for he beginneth his charge with manifest falshoods, and flatly contrary to his promise he vrgeth ( Pag. 37. & 38.) my sentence concerning the Nature of Heresie, which was obiected by M. Parsons. Secondly ( pag. 14.) of the Not satisfying of his Obiections:
for he begins his charge with manifest falsehoods, and flatly contrary to his promise he urges (Page 37. & 38.) my sentence Concerning the Nature of Heresy, which was objected by M. Parsons. Secondly (page. 14.) of the Not satisfying of his Objections:
It is likely that the Pamphleter will deale iustly with me, who thus grossy falsifieth his own absolute promise? We haue heard what he would not doe, (although he doth it.) In the next place let vs see what he intendeth to do although he can not do it,
It is likely that the Pamphleter will deal justly with me, who thus grossy falsifieth his own absolute promise? We have herd what he would not do, (although he does it.) In the next place let us see what he intends to do although he can not do it,
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6 In the Full Satisfact. pag. 105. my words were these, concerning the Kings Maiesties censure of an Annotation vpon 2. Chro. 15. 16. His Maiestie (said I) being so diuinely illumiuated, could not take exception to the note,
6 In the Full Satisfact. page. 105. my words were these, Concerning the Kings Majesties censure of an Annotation upon 2. Chro 15. 16. His Majesty (said I) being so divinely illumiuated, could not take exception to the note,
or that other Offerer of a conference, (whose humor was crossed in that answer) call it a pitifull shifting, wherein notwithstanding they noted no falsification. Yet the Pamphleter is not content to obiect this (such is his rankor) once or twice,
or that other Offerer of a conference, (whose humour was crossed in that answer) call it a pitiful shifting, wherein notwithstanding they noted no falsification. Yet the Pamphleter is not content to Object this (such is his rancour) once or twice,
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yet doth not so much as mention 400. How then could he call it a Full Satisfaction? The Censure. SECT. III. 7 Pauperis est numerare pecus. What a fond Pamphleter is this, who reckoneth the number of the lines of his whole booke:
yet does not so much as mention 400. How then could he call it a Full Satisfaction? The Censure. SECT. III. 7 Pauperis est numerare pecus. What a found Pamphleter is this, who Reckoneth the number of the lines of his Whole book:
or els to repeat all his idle & tedious repetitions, who now (to the end that he might be as fond as he hath been false) would haue his Reader thinke that there can not be a Full Satisfaction giuen to a mans booke,
or Else to repeat all his idle & tedious repetitions, who now (to the end that he might be as found as he hath been false) would have his Reader think that there can not be a Full Satisfaction given to a men book,
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Whereby he can not but condemne his father M. Parsons in his answering of the same Full Satisfaction; but much more his L. Cardinall Bellarmine, who in his Answer vnto his Maiesties Apologie did not cite,
Whereby he can not but condemn his father M. Parsons in his answering of the same Full Satisfaction; but much more his L. Cardinal Bellarmine, who in his Answer unto his Majesties Apology did not Cite,
as I am perswaded, 2000 lines, yea and his owne distressed and distorted answer vnto the little Discouerie of Romish positions. Who would trouble himselfe with such babisme as this Pamphleter vseth? Passe we from generals,
as I am persuaded, 2000 lines, yea and his own distressed and distorted answer unto the little Discovery of Romish positions. Who would trouble himself with such babisme as this Pamphleter uses? Pass we from generals,
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wherein he is confuted by Bish. Barlow, who excuseth the first disinheriting of them, and sheweth the legitimation of them againe. The Censure. SECT. IV. 8 In the end of the same booke of Full Satisfaction, I expressed as much my selfe in a particular Aduertisement vnto the Reader in this behalfe, which hath been published now these three yeeres, wherein I satisfied for the integritie both of my cause and conscience:
wherein he is confuted by Bish. Barlow, who excuseth the First disinheriting of them, and shows the legitimation of them again. The Censure. SECT. IV. 8 In the end of the same book of Full Satisfaction, I expressed as much my self in a particular Advertisement unto the Reader in this behalf, which hath been published now these three Years, wherein I satisfied for the integrity both of my cause and conscience:
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yet not withstanding this their choise Disputer and Moderate Answerer, or rather their immoderate Pamphleter, durst obiect this corrected errour vnto me, which he hath also singled out,
yet not withstanding this their choice Disputer and Moderate Answerer, or rather their immoderate Pamphleter, durst Object this corrected error unto me, which he hath also singled out,
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Enter againe, M. Doctor, and excuse your selfe, if you can, why the very first chapter being intituled, A generall censure of his slanderous Pamphlet, prouing that no argument therein can conclude the Authors intent, is omitted without any memorie at all? Tell me, was this integritie? The Censure.
Enter again, M. Doctor, and excuse your self, if you can, why the very First chapter being entitled, A general censure of his slanderous Pamphlet, proving that no argument therein can conclude the Authors intent, is omitted without any memory At all? Tell me, was this integrity? The Censure.
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9 I now enter, Sir Phamphleter, to your blush, if you be not past shame, giuing you to vnderstand that both your fourth and last Arguments are mentioned and satisfied expresly in the same Full Satisf. part. 2. pag. 97. & 99. As for the rest, they were more generall insinuations,
9 I now enter, Sir Phamphleter, to your blush, if you be not past shame, giving you to understand that both your fourth and last Arguments Are mentioned and satisfied expressly in the same Full Satisfy. part. 2. page. 97. & 99. As for the rest, they were more general insinuations,
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He citeth me disputing against the naked proposition [ All Protestants are, in the censure of Catholikes, heretikes and excommunicate ] absolutely concealing of what heretikes we intreated,
He citeth me disputing against the naked proposition [ All Protestants Are, in the censure of Catholics, Heretics and excommunicate ] absolutely concealing of what Heretics we entreated,
[ Not one Protestant, &c. ] marke, Not one, and, Not any: Can this choise Disputer finde any ods betweene these two? I wonder what he meant by this? Must I be at paines to teach a puppie to speake English? The Pamphleter.
[ Not one Protestant, etc. ] mark, Not one, and, Not any: Can this choice Disputer find any ods between these two? I wonder what he meant by this? Must I be At pains to teach a puppy to speak English? The Pamphleter.
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If the Libeller had but turned ouer the leafe following, he might haue seene ( Full Satisfact. cap. 4. pag. 5. ) this Sixt and Seuenth Arguments both directly expressed,
If the Libeler had but turned over the leaf following, he might have seen (Full Satisfact. cap. 4. page. 5.) this Sixt and Seventh Arguments both directly expressed,
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The second, Both sufficient knowledge of truth proposed, and an obstinate pertinacy in not imbracing it, with such defence of the contrary is required in Heresie.
The second, Both sufficient knowledge of truth proposed, and an obstinate pertinacy in not embracing it, with such defence of the contrary is required in Heresy.
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The third, He that desireth to be ignorant of the truth, and so professeth Heresie inignorance (though therin he sinne grieuously) yet is he not an Heretike.
The third, He that Desires to be ignorant of the truth, and so Professes Heresy inignorance (though therein he sin grievously) yet is he not an Heretic.
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15 And what haue I now abstracted from these, to shew what kind of men are not subiect to the censure of excommunication, in the opinion of the Pamphleter? First, that No man doubting in faith, &c. in his fourth:
15 And what have I now abstracted from these, to show what kind of men Are not Subject to the censure of excommunication, in the opinion of the Pamphleter? First, that No man doubting in faith, etc. in his fourth:
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Fiftly, None onely internally infected, but he that is a manifest Professor, is subiect vnto the censure of excommunication, which agreeth with his fift.
Fifty, None only internally infected, but he that is a manifest Professor, is Subject unto the censure of excommunication, which agreeth with his fift.
And now I leaue the scanning of these to the sight, not (as he saith) of All (for who almost will vouchsafe the sight of such triflings) but of any, who shall cast his eie heereupon, to iudge whether there hath beene in my Citation the least note of Insincerity. The Pamphleter.
And now I leave the scanning of these to the sighed, not (as he Says) of All (for who almost will vouchsafe the sighed of such triflings) but of any, who shall cast his eye hereupon, to judge whither there hath been in my Citante the least note of Insincerity. The Pamphleter.
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My Proposition was onely this, [ No Protestant or Heretike not excommunicate by name lieth subiect vnto any penalty pretended, ] when as my sincerily dealing Aduersary (as before) citeth me to say, that such, are not subiect to any Penaltie at all:
My Proposition was only this, [ No Protestant or Heretic not excommunicate by name lies Subject unto any penalty pretended, ] when as my sincerily dealing Adversary (as before) citeth me to say, that such, Are not Subject to any Penalty At all:
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as not to vnderstand, that seeing all kinde of outward penalties were implied in those which were pretended, it must needs follow that he that is not subiect vnto the pretended penalties, is not subiect to any at all. The Pamphleter.
as not to understand, that seeing all kind of outward penalties were implied in those which were pretended, it must needs follow that he that is not Subject unto the pretended penalties, is not Subject to any At all. The Pamphleter.
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No Protestant or Heretike not excommunicate by name ( as none in England is ) lieth subiect, &c. I locked vp the word, England, within the 〈 ◊ 〉 of a Parenthesis,
No Protestant or Heretic not excommunicate by name (as none in England is) lies Subject, etc. I locked up the word, England, within the 〈 ◊ 〉 of a Parenthesis,
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They who by your slanderous doctrine make all Protestants, in your opinion Heretikes, so odious, as vnworthy of ciuill society, &c. the Pamphleter made this answer:
They who by your slanderous Doctrine make all Protestants, in your opinion Heretics, so odious, as unworthy of civil society, etc. the Pamphleter made this answer:
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But he saith that this was not to grant absolutely, that no Protestant was an Heretike: Very good, I then perceiue his meaning is, that he granted it not absolutely, but equiuocatingly. Well, let him enioy his arte, for me;
But he Says that this was not to grant absolutely, that no Protestant was an Heretic: Very good, I then perceive his meaning is, that he granted it not absolutely, but equivocatingly. Well, let him enjoy his art, for me;
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19 Good Reader, I pray thee do not laugh at the Pamphleter, phleter, nor send him backe to his English Rules, where thou hast red, that There be excepted from this generall Rule as followeth.
19 Good Reader, I pray thee do not laugh At the Pamphleter, phleter, nor send him back to his English Rules, where thou hast read, that There be excepted from this general Rule as follows.
20 I should proceed to censure his difference betweene these words, Heretike and Excommunicate, and Heretike or Excommunicate, and to confute it by their Bulla coena; and then to shew how inconsideratly he vpbraideth vs with the sentence of a kinsman of his owne, (as we may guesse by his name,
20 I should proceed to censure his difference between these words, Heretic and Excommunicate, and Heretic or Excommunicate, and to confute it by their Bulla Coena; and then to show how inconsiderately he upbraideth us with the sentence of a kinsman of his own, (as we may guess by his name,
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and lastly, his loose Argument to proue the Heresie of Arrianisme, out of NONLATINALPHABET seeing that Bellarmine hath iustified Caluins sense therein;
and lastly, his lose Argument to prove the Heresy of Arianism, out of seeing that Bellarmine hath justified Caluins sense therein;
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And I thinke that he himselfe hath need to reforme his Argument, lest that he be thought thereby (which is an heresie indeed) to haue diuided the Essence and substance of God;
And I think that he himself hath need to reform his Argument, lest that he be Thought thereby (which is an heresy indeed) to have divided the Essence and substance of God;
21 I did not in that little Preamble infist in the Pamphleters vntrueths and falshoods, Ergo (by his Logike) I could not proue him to be guiltie of falshood.
21 I did not in that little Preamble infist in the Pamphleteers untruths and falsehoods, Ergo (by his Logic) I could not prove him to be guilty of falsehood.
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This is the consequence of this famous scholar, who was chosen to be one of the Three (if we beleeue himselfe) who should Dispute against all Bishops and Doctours of the Protestant side.
This is the consequence of this famous scholar, who was chosen to be one of the Three (if we believe himself) who should Dispute against all Bishops and Doctors of the Protestant side.
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Besides, that I could haue ranged this fellow among the guiltie persons, is as euident by the sixt Chapter of this Encounter, which is spent in repeating the manifolde errours and slanders, which this man committed against Protestants,
Beside, that I could have ranged this fellow among the guilty Persons, is as evident by the sixt Chapter of this Encounter, which is spent in repeating the manifold errors and slanders, which this man committed against Protestants,
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and were so inexcusable, that his Patron M. Parsons, when hee should haue satisfied for them, suffered them all to stand still vpon this libellers score;
and were so inexcusable, that his Patron M. Parsons, when he should have satisfied for them, suffered them all to stand still upon this libellers score;
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whom (wishing vnto him NONLATINALPHABET) I leaue fantastically disputing with his owne shadow. And now returne vnto M. Parsons his Reckoning. CHAP. VII.
whom (wishing unto him) I leave fantastically disputing with his own shadow. And now return unto M. Parsons his Reckoning. CHAP. VII.
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Conteining an Answer vnto the seuenth Chapter of M. Parsons, concerning the obiected Omissions, in not defending them, wom he calleth my Clients. §. I. 1 AFter that M. Parsons had played the part of a Promoter, in calling into question concealed falsities, (as he vntruly termed them) he proceedeth to ransacke the foresaid Omissions; in which his Accusation I finde nothing but preposterous and superfluous heaping vp of the ragges of his olde Wardrobe, called the Mitigation, and all to the end he might make vp a grosse-bellied bocke:
Containing an Answer unto the Seventh Chapter of M. Parsons, Concerning the objected Omissions, in not defending them, woman he calls my Clients. §. I. 1 After that M. Parsons had played the part of a Promoter, in calling into question concealed falsities, (as he untruly termed them) he Proceedeth to ransack the foresaid Omissions; in which his Accusation I find nothing but preposterous and superfluous heaping up of the rags of his old Wardrobe, called the Mitigation, and all to the end he might make up a gross-bellied bocke:
wherein he exacteth of me to satisfic for all incommodious speeches, which haue passed from some Protestants, which is a charge that neither I did assume,
wherein he exacteth of me to satisfic for all incommodious Speeches, which have passed from Some Protestants, which is a charge that neither I did assume,
nor could M. Parsons by his Commission impose it vpon me, who is delighted with the irksome iarre of some hot spirits, that rage against Caluin, especially in the point of Arrianisme. The summe of M. PARSONS Reckoning in this point, concerning Caluine.
nor could M. Parsons by his Commission impose it upon me, who is delighted with the irksome jar of Some hight spirits, that rage against Calvin, especially in the point of Arianism. The sum of M. PARSONS Reckoning in this point, Concerning Calvin.
and partly out of the new Testament, maliciously peruerted by Caluine in fauour of Iewes and Arrians, against the trueth and certainty of Christian Religion, leauing out twenty more, which Doctour Hunnius doth handle, &c, The Reuiew.
and partly out of the new Testament, maliciously perverted by Calvin in favour of Iewes and Arians, against the truth and certainty of Christian Religion, leaving out twenty more, which Doctor Hunnius does handle, etc., The Reuiew.
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2 When we do but consider what is the maladie of adnerse criminations, that may serue for a part of an Answer, which Bellarmine vseth in like case, Non multùm resert quid irati homines dixerint.
2 When we do but Consider what is the malady of adnerse criminations, that may serve for a part of an Answer, which Bellarmine uses in like case, Non multùm resert quid Irati homines dixerint.
so passionate affections sometimes send such grosse vapors into the braine, that the hatred to the true Speaker hindreth a man from discerning of the trueth of the speech.
so passionate affections sometime send such gross vapours into the brain, that the hatred to the true Speaker hindereth a man from discerning of the truth of the speech.
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3 And vnto this defect may we partly impute the Accusation which Hunnius, and in him now M. Parsons doe prosecute against Caluine, as though he had in any sort fauored Arrianisme, which I iudge to be an intollerable vntrueth,
3 And unto this defect may we partly impute the Accusation which Hunnius, and in him now M. Parsons do prosecute against Calvin, as though he had in any sort favoured Arianism, which I judge to be an intolerable untruth,
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as both the writings and seale of Caluine will perfectly demotistrate. Than the which what greater euidence can any iustly require? First by his writing;
as both the writings and seal of Calvin will perfectly demotistrate. Than the which what greater evidence can any justly require? First by his writing;
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for ( Institut. lib. 1. cap. 13.) he hath published a large and accurate Confutation of that damnable heresie of the Arrians from aboue thirtie testimonies of Scripture, both out of the olde and new Testaments.
for (Institute. lib. 1. cap. 13.) he hath published a large and accurate Confutation of that damnable heresy of the Arians from above thirtie testimonies of Scripture, both out of the old and new Testaments.
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Secondly, (which I call his seale ) his publike Act, when he with the whole Senate of Geneua (as Bellarmine confesseth) did burne Michael Seruetus a Spaniard for Arrianisme. How then will they not (shall we thinke) impute many falshoods vnto Caluin against whom they obiect a fauouring of Arrianisme, albeit they were not ignorant that Caluin did both confute the heresie,
Secondly, (which I call his seal) his public Act, when he with the Whole Senate of Geneva (as Bellarmine Confesses) did burn Michael Seruetus a Spaniard for Arianism. How then will they not (shall we think) impute many falsehoods unto Calvin against whom they Object a favouring of Arianism, albeit they were not ignorant that Calvin did both confute the heresy,
Hunnius saith that M. Caluin hath peruerted mankinde by his detestable desire of wresting the Scriptures, ouerthrowing the bulwarkes of Christian Religion, which it hath against Iewes and Arrians. The Reuiew.
Hunnius Says that M. Calvin hath perverted mankind by his detestable desire of wresting the Scriptures, overthrowing the bulwarks of Christian Religion, which it hath against Iewes and Arians. The Reuiew.
and agreeth most fitly with my purpose, whereas speaking of that common exposition vpon the Dried bones mentioned in the Prophet Ezechiel, which exposition vnder standeth by those bones the resurrection:
and agreeth most fitly with my purpose, whereas speaking of that Common exposition upon the Dried bones mentioned in the Prophet Ezechiel, which exposition under Stands by those bones the resurrection:
but onely affirme that these words are not meant of the resurrection, and by the paraeble of the resurrection to haue Prophecied of the restitution of the people, which was then in captiuity:
but only affirm that these words Are not meant of the resurrection, and by the paraeble of the resurrection to have Prophesied of the restitution of the people, which was then in captivity:
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5 Thus far S. Hierom, whose testimony pleaseth their Iesuire, who commendeth it for a modestsentence. Let it not displease M. Parsons that we apply it vnto Caluin, who although he doe not admit of some common exposions of Scriptures, which haue beene brought for the confutation of Arrians, and Iewes, because that they being literally expounded, doe not (in his iudgement) directly make against the enemies of Christs Diuinity.
5 Thus Far S. Hieronymus, whose testimony Pleases their Iesuire, who commends it for a modestsentence. Let it not displease M. Parsons that we apply it unto Calvin, who although he do not admit of Some Common exposions of Scriptures, which have been brought for the confutation of Arians, and Iewes, Because that they being literally expounded, do not (in his judgement) directly make against the enemies of Christ Divinity.
Notwithstanding they that interpret those places otherwise ought not to be offended with him, as though he fauoured the opinion of the Iewes & Arrians, which he confuteth by many other more strong testimonies of Scriptures, out of both the Testaments.
Notwithstanding they that interpret those places otherwise ought not to be offended with him, as though he favoured the opinion of the Iewes & Arians, which he confuteth by many other more strong testimonies of Scriptures, out of both the Testaments.
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for their D. Stapleton writing an Antidote against his doctrin doth grant Caluin in his commentaries to be so diligent an Interpreter, according to the letter,
for their D. Stapleton writing an Antidote against his Doctrine does grant Calvin in his commentaries to be so diligent an Interpreter, according to the Letter,
so morall, so sweet, that euen men Orthodoxall (he meaneth Papists ) desire greedily to read him, whom I haue heard sometime wish (saith he) that those things being purged out of him, which are contrary vnto the Church and faith, he might be suffered to come in publike,
so moral, so sweet, that even men orthodoxal (he means Papists) desire greedily to read him, whom I have herd sometime wish (Says he) that those things being purged out of him, which Are contrary unto the Church and faith, he might be suffered to come in public,
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so far as he held any thing, which was against their Doctrine, otherwise approouing of his workes as profitable vnto the Church, especially in expounding of Scriptures, what indifferent Reader is there,
so Far as he held any thing, which was against their Doctrine, otherwise approving of his works as profitable unto the Church, especially in expounding of Scriptures, what indifferent Reader is there,
but will conceiue that he, who was generally so exact in interpreting Scriptures, had likewise some measure of light in discerning of the controuerted Articles of religion? Elsewhere we finde Card Bellarmine writing vnto Iustus Baronius, and moouing him to indeuour some Confutation of Caluins Institutions, (after that he had set out the difficulties of such an enterprise,
but will conceive that he, who was generally so exact in interpreting Scriptures, had likewise Some measure of Light in discerning of the controverted Articles of Religion? Elsewhere we find Carded Bellarmine writing unto Justus Baronius, and moving him to endeavour Some Confutation of Calvin's Institutions, (After that he had Set out the difficulties of such an enterprise,
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Confessing in effect, that Horantius, and all other Romish Authors, who had formerly writen in Confutation of Caluins Institutions, haue been lucklesse and successelesse in their labours.
Confessing in Effect, that Horantius, and all other Romish Authors, who had formerly written in Confutation of Calvin's Institutions, have been luckless and successless in their labours.
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Is not this a Testimony of great honour vnto Caluin, especially proceeding from Bellarmine so great an Aduersary, both by the worthinesse of his place and learning,
Is not this a Testimony of great honour unto Calvin, especially proceeding from Bellarmine so great an Adversary, both by the worthiness of his place and learning,
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the other the Treatise of Mitigation, with the like imputation of vntrue dealing, as are laid against M. Morton himselfe, it seemed that it had been a point of friendship (if not of duety) to haue said somewhat for preuenting and staying, at least, the Readers preiudice,
the other the Treatise of Mitigation, with the like imputation of untrue dealing, as Are laid against M. Mortonum himself, it seemed that it had been a point of friendship (if not of duty) to have said somewhat for preventing and staying, At least, the Readers prejudice,
and read all those placcs, which he borrowed out of M. Cooke, to furnish one whole Chapter of his Full Satisfaction, fully answered and confuted by our Catholike Diuine in his foresaid booke, which M. Morton might haue least wise mentioned, among so many other points of lesse importance, which he handleth,
and read all those placcs, which he borrowed out of M. Cook, to furnish one Whole Chapter of his Full Satisfaction, Fully answered and confuted by our Catholic Divine in his foresaid book, which M. Mortonum might have least wise mentioned, among so many other points of less importance, which he handleth,
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7 M. Parsons may remember what he said in his Preface of Mitigation, that diuerse Catholikes did itch to be medling with M. Autturney (now Lord chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas) for the confuting of his fift part of Reports, which M. Parsons himselfe hath now begun to impugne.
7 M. Parsons may Remember what he said in his Preface of Mitigation, that diverse Catholics did itch to be meddling with M. Autturney (now Lord chief justice of the Common Pleasant) for the confuting of his fift part of Reports, which M. Parsons himself hath now begun to impugn.
If I haue not beene so forward to vndertake Replie, it is not that I would be wanting in any part of Dutie, but because I was not infected with M. Parsons his vnseemely disease, to busie my selfe in an vnproper Element, especially in points which concerne so honourable and iudicious a Personage;
If I have not been so forward to undertake Reply, it is not that I would be wanting in any part of Duty, but Because I was not infected with M. Parsons his unseemly disease, to busy my self in an unproper Element, especially in points which concern so honourable and judicious a Personage;
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who would haue exercised his quill in some large Replie, if his Lordship had thought M. Parsons worthy of any other Answer than the condemnation of a Nihil dicit.
who would have exercised his quill in Some large Reply, if his Lordship had Thought M. Parsons worthy of any other Answer than the condemnation of a Nihil dicit.
8 Notwithstanding, it will not (I thinke) offend his honour, nor yet greatly please you, M. Parsons, that I, vpon this prouocation, do paint out your vniust Assertions, which you call Demonstrations, against his Reports, especially concerning the Histories of two Kings, which now fall vnder mine eie.
8 Notwithstanding, it will not (I think) offend his honour, nor yet greatly please you, M. Parsons, that I, upon this provocation, do paint out your unjust Assertions, which you call Demonstrations, against his Reports, especially Concerning the Histories of two Kings, which now fallen under mine eye.
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The first is of K. Alfred, wherein you may be charged with a nimiùm dicit: the second is touching K. Edgar, whom you will haue to haue Subordinated his temporall Sword vnto the spirituall iurisdiction of his Prelates,
The First is of K. Alfred, wherein you may be charged with a nimiùm dicit: the second is touching K. Edgar, whom you will have to have Subordinated his temporal Sword unto the spiritual jurisdiction of his Prelates,
When as it is plaine that King Edgar speaking in that Oration against sturdy Monkes, who did contemne verba, did tell the B B. Veniendum̄ esse ad verbera, that is, That they were to be humbled by Stroakes:
When as it is plain that King Edgar speaking in that Oration against sturdy Monks, who did contemn verba, did tell the B B. Veniendum̄ esse ad Verbera, that is, That they were to be humbled by Strokes:
As for his exception against mee, for not Defending all those, whom he calleth my Clients, I may iustly answer that although I were worthy of reprehension in this case,
As for his exception against me, for not Defending all those, whom he calls my Clients, I may justly answer that although I were worthy of reprehension in this case,
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yet M. Parsons is the most vnwoorthy man of all other to reprehend me, because I finde diuerse of his Clients of great name in their church, whom he hath betraied by his silence.
yet M. Parsons is the most unworthy man of all other to reprehend me, Because I find diverse of his Clients of great name in their Church, whom he hath betrayed by his silence.
euen in a little Preamble, wheras he, in publishing a large volume, in answer of my Full Satisfaction, hath passed many whole chapters ouer vntouched,
even in a little Preamble, whereas he, in publishing a large volume, in answer of my Full Satisfaction, hath passed many Whole Chapters over untouched,
and seeing there many of his own friendes vp to the eares in debt, did like the Iewish Priest and Leuite smoothly passe by without the supply of a farthing for their reliefe.
and seeing there many of his own Friends up to the ears in debt, did like the Jewish Priest and Levite smoothly pass by without the supply of a farthing for their relief.
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It will be hard to determine whether heereby he haue been more iniurious to his friend Loduick, whom he suffereth to lie vnder the arrest of a cursed slander,
It will be hard to determine whither hereby he have been more injurious to his friend Loduick, whom he suffers to lie under the arrest of a cursed slander,
12 There also Arnalàus in a Parlament at Paris was heard to accuse the Iesuits to haue been the causes of the great tyrannie which was practised among the poore Indians.
12 There also Arnalàus in a Parliament At paris was herd to accuse the Iesuits to have been the Causes of the great tyranny which was practised among the poor Indians.
There their owne French Historian noted the crueltie which was vsed in France, telling vs how Twentie thousand Protestants were slaine in one moneth by the furie of the Catholikes.
There their own French Historian noted the cruelty which was used in France, telling us how Twentie thousand Protestants were slain in one Monn by the fury of the Catholics.
Cruell Inquisitors, ciuell Iesuus, cruell Catholikes (as it is confessed by their owne Authors.) All whom M. Parsons leaueth as desperate debitors wallowing in their owne guilt.
Cruel Inquisitors, civil Iesuus, cruel Catholics (as it is confessed by their own Authors.) All whom M. Parsons Leaveth as desperate debtors wallowing in their own guilt.
13 Thirdly, there was vnfolded by their owne Historian the slanderous disposition of some Romanists, who bare false witnesse against Protestants in open Court, assirining that they in the night season Put out the candles, and euery one tooke a woman at his pleasure;
13 Thirdly, there was unfolded by their own Historian the slanderous disposition of Some Romanists, who bore false witness against Protestants in open Court, assirining that they in the night season Put out the Candles, and every one took a woman At his pleasure;
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14 Fourthly, their common doctrine being this, that a King being an Heretike and excommunicate may be deposed, was proued to be a rebellious doctrine by many arguments, which M. Parsons would not so much as looke at:
14 Fourthly, their Common Doctrine being this, that a King being an Heretic and excommunicate may be deposed, was proved to be a rebellious Doctrine by many Arguments, which M. Parsons would not so much as look At:
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and to the same purpose was alleged the confession of their own Iesuit Acosta (out of his second booke de Indorum salute, cap. 5. ) affirming that after that a King is established in his throne, his power is from God, and the people owe him subiection, euen as did the people of Israel vnto Ieroboam (3. Re. 11. & 12.) albeit he was an Apostata from the faith of the true Church.
and to the same purpose was alleged the Confessi of their own Iesuit Acosta (out of his second book de Indorum salute, cap. 5.) affirming that After that a King is established in his throne, his power is from God, and the people owe him subjection, even as did the people of Israel unto Jeroboam (3. Re. 11. & 12.) albeit he was an Apostata from the faith of the true Church.
15 Fiftly, by the testimonie of their Cardinall Tolet ( Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 5. cap. 66.) we were taught that although their Priests and others may in their examinations, before Magistrates, whom they holde to be incompetent, vse Equiuocation, rather than to reueale any trespasse of an other:
15 Fifty, by the testimony of their Cardinal Tolet (Instruct. Sacred lib. 5. cap. 66.) we were taught that although their Priests and Others may in their examinations, before Magistrates, whom they hold to be incompetent, use Equivocation, rather than to reveal any trespass of an other:
16 Sixtly, Cardinall Bellarmine did interpret the place of S. Paul, Rom. 13. [ Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers ] to implie the Spirituall power, as well as the Temporall:
16 Sixty, Cardinal Bellarmine did interpret the place of S. Paul, Rom. 13. [ Let every soul be Subject to the higher Powers ] to imply the Spiritual power, as well as the Temporal:
17 But how will he answer for others, who leaueth himselfe in the lurch? who together with Carerius, thought that No king is to be acknowledged to be a king, before he be anointed.
17 But how will he answer for Others, who Leaveth himself in the lurch? who together with Carerius, Thought that No King is to be acknowledged to be a King, before he be anointed.
2.) I let passe diuers such particular persons, and chuse rather to obserue his want of dutie, or els of abilitie, in answering for his headfather the Pope.
2.) I let pass diverse such particular Persons, and choose rather to observe his want of duty, or Else of ability, in answering for his headfather the Pope.
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M. PARSONS his notable Omissiens, in forsaking the necessarie defence of Popes. §. IV. 18 The Oration of Pope Xistus Quintus is famous for commending Iacob Clemens, who was the murtherer of Henry 3. King of France;
M. PARSONS his notable Omissiens, in forsaking the necessary defence of Popes. §. IV. 18 The Oration of Pope Xistus Quintus is famous for commending Iacob Clemens, who was the murderer of Henry 3. King of France;
Monarchom. c. 28. pag. 536.) commending the act, and reioycing thereat, whom the foresaid Barkley doth therefore condemne (pag. 535. & 539.) of treason,
Monarchomach. c. 28. page. 536.) commending the act, and rejoicing thereat, whom the foresaid Barkley does Therefore condemn (page. 535. & 539.) of treason,
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19 There came in also a Canonist, who reported the periurie of Pope Gregory 12. whom M. Parsons suffered to die in debt, neuer opening his mouth to free him either à toto, or à tanto. After this the Bull of Pope Paulus 3. against Hen. 8. and another of Pius Quintus against Q. Elizabeth, were heard bellowing out a Fulnesse of Apostolicall authoritie for the rooting out of Nations,
19 There Come in also a Canonist, who reported the perjury of Pope Gregory 12. whom M. Parsons suffered to die in debt, never opening his Mouth to free him either à toto, or à tanto. After this the Bull of Pope Paulus 3. against Hen. 8. and Another of Pius Quintus against Q. Elizabeth, were herd bellowing out a Fullness of Apostolical Authority for the rooting out of nations,
Which Papall exposition of that text was an impudent glosing. M. Parsons can say nothing but that it was spoken by allusion vnto that text of Ieremy, which poore ragge can not possibly couer so great a shame:
Which Papal exposition of that text was an impudent glossing. M. Parsons can say nothing but that it was spoken by allusion unto that text of Ieremy, which poor rag can not possibly cover so great a shame:
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for the text of Ieremy was expresly cited in their Bulles for confirmation of their authority, by way of interpretation, accordingly as their Carerius (lib. 1. depotestate Papae ) had done.
for the text of Ieremy was expressly cited in their Bulls for confirmation of their Authority, by Way of Interpretation, accordingly as their Carerius (lib. 1. depotestate Pope) had done.
By S. Gregorie, who noteth not destruction by fighting, but only by preaching: But especially by S. Bernard (lib. 2. de Consid. ad Eugen. ) reprouing the Pope for the abuse of this place, by turning the spirituall and ministertall rooting out of sinners into a Temporall dominion. Heere M. Parsons imitated the AEgyptian dogs, Lambunt & fugiunt, they vsed to lap a little at the riuer Nilus, and forth with to run away,
By S. Gregory, who notes not destruction by fighting, but only by preaching: But especially by S. Bernard (lib. 2. de Consider ad Eugen) reproving the Pope for the abuse of this place, by turning the spiritual and ministertall rooting out of Sinners into a Temporal dominion. Here M. Parsons imitated the Egyptian Dogs, Lambunt & fugiunt, they used to lap a little At the river Nilus, and forth with to run away,
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but spying Lyra, Gregorie, and Bernard make against the Popes, and perceiuing that his Answer of Allusion was but an Illusion, he speedily tooke his course another way.
but spying Lyra, Gregory, and Bernard make against the Popes, and perceiving that his Answer of Allusion was but an Illusion, he speedily took his course Another Way.
for the refusing of Emperours, and deposing of Kings from their Soueraignty, there was produced the example of Christ, who thought his temporall Dominion superfluous for him, as Bellarmine confessed:
for the refusing of emperors, and deposing of Kings from their Sovereignty, there was produced the Exampl of christ, who Thought his temporal Dominion superfluous for him, as Bellarmine confessed:
after that the examples of All Christians for the first two hundred yeares, who albeit sometime Antiquity of Subiection of Clergy men vnto Tempo. rall States.
After that the Examples of All Christians for the First two hundred Years, who albeit sometime Antiquity of Subjection of Clergy men unto Tempo. rall States.
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they had equall force, yet they professed subiection vnto temporall Magistrates, whereby the doctrine of Christians became glorious, as Tolossanus confessed. And vnto these were added the answerable Testimonies of Tertullian, Cyprian, Nazian. Athanas. Ambrose, Basil, Gregory.
they had equal force, yet they professed subjection unto temporal Magistrates, whereby the Doctrine of Christians became glorious, as Tolossanus confessed. And unto these were added the answerable Testimonies of Tertullian, Cyprian, Nazian. Athanasius Ambrose, Basil, Gregory.
Finally, their Sanders intruded himselfe, ' auouching the Donation of Constantine, wherin all the kingdomes of the Western world were said to haue beene conferred by the Empetour Constantine vpon Pope Syluester, Anno. 300. and vnto him Carerius assented;
Finally, their Sanders intruded himself, ' avouching the Donation of Constantine, wherein all the kingdoms of the Western world were said to have been conferred by the Empetour Constantine upon Pope Sylvester, Anno 300. and unto him Carerius assented;
so Balbus lib. de Coronat, seeing that Pope Boniface 9. Anno. 1400. was the first that challenged the Donation of the City of Rome, saith the same Balbus. Adde we heereunto how Carerius pretended that the Emperor must necessarily haue the Popes Confirmation: which dealing their Lupoldus, and Balbus both Bishops, did prooue to be most false.
so Balbus lib. de Coronat, seeing that Pope Boniface 9. Anno 1400. was the First that challenged the Donation of the city of Room, Says the same Balbus. Add we hereunto how Carerius pretended that the Emperor must necessarily have the Popes Confirmation: which dealing their Lupoldus, and Balbus both Bishops, did prove to be most false.
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The Omissions of M. Parsons, in neglecting his peculiar Client the Moderate Answerer: leauing him in the conuiction of many foule errours and slanders. §. V. 21 This Moderate Answerer is the man that writ against the booke of Discouery of Romish Positions, and Practises of rebellion, whom therefore M. Parsons hath particularly commended for one, who acquitted himselfe learnedly: So that this man might seeme to haue a peculiar interest in M. Parsons his partonage.
The Omissions of M. Parsons, in neglecting his peculiar Client the Moderate Answerer: leaving him in the conviction of many foul errors and slanders. §. V. 21 This Moderate Answerer is the man that writ against the book of Discovery of Romish Positions, and Practises of rebellion, whom Therefore M. Parsons hath particularly commended for one, who acquitted himself learnedly: So that this man might seem to have a peculiar Interest in M. Parsons his partonage.
22 The Moderate Answerer answered for his Catholikes in generall, that they taught not A power simply ouer Kings in temporall affaires, which was prooued to be a singular falshood out of their Bozius, and especially out of Carerius, who challenged the Common consent of Canonists, and Diuines to the contrary.
22 The Moderate Answerer answered for his Catholics in general, that they taught not A power simply over Kings in temporal affairs, which was proved to be a singular falsehood out of their Bozius, and especially out of Carerius, who challenged the Common consent of Canonists, and Divines to the contrary.
which is a most prodigall vntruth, and so prooued to be by the testimonies of their Moderne Doctors, such as were Rainolds, Parsons, Alen, Coster, Bellarmine, and others.
which is a most prodigal untruth, and so proved to be by the testimonies of their Modern Doctors, such as were Reynolds, Parsons, Alen, Coster, Bellarmine, and Others.
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which was prooued to be a loose ouerlashing by their Rainolds, Alan, and by Sanders. He in the name of all Romanists, did teach that they Allow Magistrates, who are Protestants, to be as competent Iudges in all temporall causes, in as ample maner, as if they were of their owne Religion, before whom, iudging according vnto law, they may not equiuocate.
which was proved to be a lose overlashing by their Reynolds, Alan, and by Sanders. He in the name of all Romanists, did teach that they Allow Magistrates, who Are Protestants, to be as competent Judges in all temporal Causes, in as ample manner, as if they were of their own Religion, before whom, judging according unto law, they may not equivocate.
In these the Answerer needed M. Parsons, his helpe, but it would not be; belike he iudged that the Answerer, for modcrating of matters, had erred immoderatly.
In these the Answerer needed M. Parsons, his help, but it would not be; belike he judged that the Answerer, for modcrating of matters, had erred immoderately.
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which wicked falshood was expressely controlled by the contrary doctrine of Luther, out of his Tom. 1. in Gen. c. 9. where he condemneth the Pope and his Clergy,
which wicked falsehood was expressly controlled by the contrary Doctrine of Luther, out of his Tom. 1. in Gen. c. 9. where he Condemneth the Pope and his Clergy,
But not contented with this, he imposeth againe vpon Luther the cause of the losse of Belgrade, and Rhodes by the hands of the Turke, his entrance vpon Hungary, together with the death of King Lodouick. and Buda conquered, citing for proofe thereof Munster, and Pantaleon, which points were examined, his allegations were prooued falsifications:
But not contented with this, he Imposes again upon Luther the cause of the loss of Belgrade, and Rhodes by the hands of the Turk, his Entrance upon Hungary, together with the death of King Lodouick. and Buda conquered, citing for proof thereof Munster, and Pantaleon, which points were examined, his allegations were proved falsifications:
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and the cause of the ruine of Hungary, and of Bohemia, the 〈 ◊ 〉 of Rhodes, together with a thousand such Euils, was attributed vnto the Couetousnesse of the Pope of Rome, by their owne Historians.
and the cause of the ruin of Hungary, and of Bohemia, the 〈 ◊ 〉 of Rhodes, together with a thousand such Evils, was attributed unto the Covetousness of the Pope of Rome, by their own Historians.
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26 M. Parsons directeth his eight chapter of his Reckoning only vnto my Lord Coke concerning the Municipall lawes of England, which Argument he himselfe did before prosecute vnder the name os a Catholike Diuine. wherein he seemeth to be so conuersant,
26 M. Parsons directeth his eight chapter of his Reckoning only unto my Lord Coke Concerning the Municipal laws of England, which Argument he himself did before prosecute under the name os a Catholic Divine. wherein he seems to be so conversant,
as if he had turned his Diuinitie into humane Policie; yet peraduenture so vnskilfully, that the verse of Nauita de ventis &c. may be inuerted vpon him thus;
as if he had turned his Divinity into humane Policy; yet Peradventure so unskilfully, that the verse of Navita de ventis etc. may be inverted upon him thus;
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After a long intermission (as he calleth it) of his affaires, by interlacing a Treatise against the Lord Coke, (whereunto he expecteth no Answer from me) hee calleth againe vpon me in his next Chapter.
After a long intermission (as he calls it) of his affairs, by interlacing a Treatise against the Lord Coke, (whereunto he Expects no Answer from me) he calls again upon me in his next Chapter.
An Answer vnto M. PARSONS his ninth Chapter, concerning the Fresh lies, as helyingly calleth them, and recapitulateth. §. VII. The summe of M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
an Answer unto M. PARSONS his ninth Chapter, Concerning the Fresh lies, as helyingly calls them, and recapitulateth. §. VII. The sum of M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
IN this ninth chapter is layed together another choice number of new and fresh vntrueths of later date in the last Replie of M. Morton: and albeit those that are to be touched in this chapter haue been,
IN this ninth chapter is laid together Another choice number of new and fresh untruths of later date in the last Reply of M. Mortonum: and albeit those that Are to be touched in this chapter have been,
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for the most part, handled and discussed before, yet thaet they may be more effectually represented vnto the eye and memorie of the Reader, by putting the principall of them together in a rancke, &c. The Reuiew.
for the most part, handled and discussed before, yet thaet they may be more effectually represented unto the eye and memory of the Reader, by putting the principal of them together in a rank, etc. The Reuiew.
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27 At the sirst reading of this inscription of a new chapter of new and fresh lies, I thought that M. Parsons would haue brought in some new charges, which haue not hitherto been mentioned;
27 At the sirst reading of this inscription of a new chapter of new and fresh lies, I Thought that M. Parsons would have brought in Some new charges, which have not hitherto been mentioned;
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28 Vpon the sight of his repetition of falshoods, which he hath vntruly imputed vnto me, I haue been prouoked to requite his iniurious dealing with a summarie recognition and recapitulation of the principall vntrueths, which I haue truely layed vnto his charge, and haue alreadie handled:
28 Upon the sighed of his repetition of falsehoods, which he hath untruly imputed unto me, I have been provoked to requite his injurious dealing with a summary recognition and recapitulation of the principal untruths, which I have truly laid unto his charge, and have already handled:
besides his manifold guiles and frauds, and ridiculous vanities, wherewith almost euery page is bespangled, which might make vp as many moe notes of insinceritie,
beside his manifold guiles and frauds, and ridiculous vanities, wherewith almost every page is bespangled, which might make up as many more notes of insincerity,
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for I may well spare the confession of their owne Priest, who notifieth M. Parsons how prone he is to forge and falsifie. CHAP. VIII. Conteining an Answer vnto M. Parsons his tenth chapter.
for I may well spare the Confessi of their own Priest, who notifieth M. Parsons how prove he is to forge and falsify. CHAP. VIII. Containing an Answer unto M. Parsons his tenth chapter.
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THe tenth and last Chapter conteineth his new challenges, protestations, and vaunts, wherein hee hath inwrapped himselfe in the bands of further absurdities. The Reuiew.
THe tenth and last Chapter Containeth his new challenges, protestations, and vaunts, wherein he hath inwrapped himself in the bans of further absurdities. The Reuiew.
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I will therefore be briefe, taking them as I finde them distinguished into matters which more specially concerne me, and your selfe. First of the first.
I will Therefore be brief, taking them as I find them distinguished into matters which more specially concern me, and your self. First of the First.
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He protesteth for his owne sinceritie and diligence in reuiewing his books, yet is forced to confesse in his owne defence sometime that he did not see the Authour that he citeth himselfe,
He protesteth for his own sincerity and diligence in reviewing his books, yet is forced to confess in his own defence sometime that he did not see the Author that he citeth himself,
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Thirdly, the Reckoning being now made vp, and especially in our last three precedent chapters, he had obiected against him foureteen falshoods, which he chose to answer, but could not:
Thirdly, the Reckoning being now made up, and especially in our last three precedent Chapters, he had objected against him foureteen falsehoods, which he chosen to answer, but could not:
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And to the first I answer, that I neuer heard before, that the citing of testimonies vpon credit could be named Insinceritie, the examples of which maner of dealing are infinite euen in our Aduersaries themselues:
And to the First I answer, that I never herd before, that the citing of testimonies upon credit could be nam Insincerity, the Examples of which manner of dealing Are infinite even in our Adversaries themselves:
whereof one example doth euen now offer it selfe from Cardinall Baronius. He (writing of the maner of the martyrdom of Zoticus ) complained that he was wrong informed by one that writ letters vnto him, Testifying that he had found them in the Acts of Zoticus,
whereof one Exampl does even now offer it self from Cardinal Baronius. He (writing of the manner of the martyrdom of Zoticus) complained that he was wrong informed by one that writ letters unto him, Testifying that he had found them in the Acts of Zoticus,
3 To the second, I say, that if my Reader will be pleased to examine the fatshoods which were viged against Cardinall Bellarmine, he shall finde that the obiections are no picked quarrels, but plaine conuictions,
3 To the second, I say, that if my Reader will be pleased to examine the fatshoods which were viged against Cardinal Bellarmine, he shall find that the objections Are no picked quarrels, but plain convictions,
4 To the third I need say no more but that I haue answered those particulars to the full, where the Reader may finde iust cause to abhorre the vilenesse of your calumnious, false and vnconscionable Reckoning. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
4 To the third I need say no more but that I have answered those particulars to the full, where the Reader may find just cause to abhor the vileness of your calumnious, false and unconscionable Reckoning. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Fourthly, I shall set downe the words of a stranger, by which it is manifest what stuffe is conteined in his Latine books of Apologie: his words are these:
Fourthly, I shall Set down the words of a stranger, by which it is manifest what stuff is contained in his Latin books of Apology: his words Are these:
nor Aduersaries in profession, but his fellow-souldiers & Priests, who haue bespotted him in their publike writings dedicated vnto the Pope, and others, with more vgly marks of a lying, slanderous, libellious, treacherous,
nor Adversaries in profession, but his fellow-soldiers & Priests, who have bespotted him in their public writings dedicated unto the Pope, and Others, with more ugly marks of a lying, slanderous, libellous, treacherous,
whereby I shall be better occasioned to set abroach in Latine the formerly confessed falshoods of Bellarmine, Baronius, Boucher, M. Parsons, and others.
whereby I shall be better occasioned to Set abroach in Latin the formerly confessed falsehoods of Bellarmine, Baronius, Boucher, M. Parsons, and Others.
I haue thought good not to translate this Epistle into English, for that there be some words therein more sharpe than I would willingly vse against an Aduersary, whom I seeke rather to pacifie, and satisfie with reason. The Reuiew.
I have Thought good not to translate this Epistle into English, for that there be Some words therein more sharp than I would willingly use against an Adversary, whom I seek rather to pacify, and satisfy with reason. The Reuiew.
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7 When Rabshakah came against Iudah, blaspheming God, and vilifying their King, the Elders requested him not to speake in the vulgar language of the people, but in a strange tongue:
7 When Rabshakah Come against Iudah, blaspheming God, and vilifying their King, the Elders requested him not to speak in the Vulgar language of the people, but in a strange tongue:
and to haue examined them, I durst bide his owne censure betweene me and Gretzer: whose dispraise I account an honour vnto me, both because I see him with as high contempt vilifie those learned and godly men, with whom I may not make any shadow of comparison. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
and to have examined them, I durst bide his own censure between me and Gretzer: whose dispraise I account an honour unto me, both Because I see him with as high contempt vilify those learned and godly men, with whom I may not make any shadow of comparison. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
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I cannot let passe to set downe the iudgement of an other learned Stranger extant in a printed booke of his in defence of Card. Bellarmine, whom M. Morton chiefely pretendeth to impugne,
I cannot let pass to Set down the judgement of an other learned Stranger extant in a printed book of his in defence of Card. Bellarmine, whom M. Mortonum chiefly pretendeth to impugn,
8 And I cannot but thanke you that you would honour me with his Contemtible Censure, for so I doe esteeme it, especially knowing the Author to be Iames Gretzer, who is a superlatiue Contemner of all his Aduersaries, whereof some were far more learned than himselfe:
8 And I cannot but thank you that you would honour me with his Contemptible Censure, for so I do esteem it, especially knowing the Author to be James Gretzer, who is a superlative Contemner of all his Adversaries, whereof Some were Far more learned than himself:
Vix vllum reperi, qui in mendacijs cùm eo comparari queat. Censuring Lamb. Danaeus thus: In toto eius Responso nè micaquidem boni, & ingenui, et eruditi Viri;
Vix vllum reperi, qui in mendacijs cùm eo comparari queat. Censuring Lamb. Danaeus thus: In toto eius Responso nè micaquidem boni, & ingenui, et eruditi Viri;
adeò omnia mendacijs et nugamentis horrent. Censuring Franciscus Iunius thus: Tu mendacitèr omnia; omnia falsò; omnia imperitè. Censuring AEgidius Hunnius thus:
adeò omnia mendacijs et nugamentis horrent. Censuring Francis Iunius thus: Tu mendacitèr omnia; omnia falsò; omnia imperitè. Censuring Aegidius Hunnius thus:
Nihil aliud est quàm mendatiorum quidem minimè pertusus sacculus. Censuring the Phoenix of this age Ioseph Scaliger thus: Potiùs Onologias quàm Chronologias condit:
Nihil Aliud est quàm mendatiorum quidem minimè pertusus sacculus. Censuring the Phoenix of this age Ioseph Scaliger thus: Potiùs Onologias quàm Chronologias condit:
In respect of all these I doe confesse my selfe to be worthily contemptible. But yet who knoweth not, that this kinde of censure, without proofe, is but the language of Canaan, meere railing? which this Gretzer doth not practise onely, but euen also professe.
In respect of all these I do confess my self to be worthily contemptible. But yet who Knoweth not, that this kind of censure, without proof, is but the language of Canaan, mere railing? which this Gretzer does not practise only, but even also profess.
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I therefore answer for my selfe, desiring M. Parsons to loooke into Gretzer, and to examine the places wherein he doth insist in Confutation of any thing that I haue written,
I Therefore answer for my self, desiring M. Parsons to loooke into Gretzer, and to examine the places wherein he does insist in Confutation of any thing that I have written,
and iudge betweene vs, and acccordingly to esteeme of Gretzers Censure. In the meane time I shall answer vnto the censure which M. Parsons himselfe hath made against me. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
and judge between us, and acccordingly to esteem of Gretzers Censure. In the mean time I shall answer unto the censure which M. Parsons himself hath made against me. M. PARSONS his Reckoning.
Neither will I alleage any thing iniuriously against M. Mortons person, which I doe loue from my heart in the true loue of Christ our Sauiour, wishing his best spirituall good, as mine owne;
Neither will I allege any thing injuriously against M. Mortons person, which I do love from my heart in the true love of christ our Saviour, wishing his best spiritual good, as mine own;
and doe esteeme him also for the good parts that God hath bestowed vpon him, though I doe pitty the euill imployment thereof in the cause he defendeth. The Reuew.
and do esteem him also for the good parts that God hath bestowed upon him, though I do pity the evil employment thereof in the cause he defendeth. The Reuew.
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Notwithstanding I do imbrace your tender of loue, and shall (I hope) not be ouercome in this contention, by affecting your eternall good, euen as mine owne;
Notwithstanding I do embrace your tender of love, and shall (I hope) not be overcome in this contention, by affecting your Eternal good, even as mine own;
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neither shall I further esteeme of my selfe, than that my imploiment may be for defence of a cause, which I ought to loue a thousand times aboue my selfe.
neither shall I further esteem of my self, than that my employment may be for defence of a cause, which I ought to love a thousand times above my self.
Mr. Morton hath lost himselfe through vehemency of Passion in this place, where he censureth his Aduersary in fower seuerall challenges, which I haue thought good to set downe together,
Mr. Mortonum hath lost himself through vehemency of Passion in this place, where he censureth his Adversary in fower several challenges, which I have Thought good to Set down together,
and not to answer them seuerally, as I did in the former Paragraph, for that indeed there is in them nothing but excesse of intemperate heat in contumelious speech: &c. The reuew.
and not to answer them severally, as I did in the former Paragraph, for that indeed there is in them nothing but excess of intemperate heat in contumelious speech: etc. The review.
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11 If M. Parsons would haue confidered either his owne desert, or my behauiour, he would neuer haue complained of contumelious speeches. For neither am I so lauish,
11 If M. Parsons would have considered either his own desert, or my behaviour, he would never have complained of contumelious Speeches. For neither am I so lavish,
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but that their owne Apologists, (whom he greatly commendeth) haue allowed me the Title of A man not intemperate, neither yet vsed M. Parsons to be so moderate,
but that their own Apologists, (whom he greatly commends) have allowed me the Title of A man not intemperate, neither yet used M. Parsons to be so moderate,
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There were foure principall parts of the chalenge against M. Parsons. 1. The Discouery of Romish Positions and practises of Rebellion to be iust. 2. His Treatise of Mitigation to be falsly so intituled. 3. His Mentall AEquiuocation to be an Art of lying. 4. The Romanists to support their causes by lying.
There were foure principal parts of the challenge against M. Parsons. 1. The Discovery of Romish Positions and practises of Rebellion to be just. 2. His Treatise of Mitigation to be falsely so entitled. 3. His Mental AEquiuocation to be an Art of lying. 4. The Romanists to support their Causes by lying.
Seeing now therefore, that after M. Parsons hath made his full Reckoning, and that answer hath beene made to all his exceptions, we finde that their former Bulles, and practises of their Popes (such as were Pope Greg. 7. Paulus 3. Sixtus Quintus, Pius Quintus ) and that the sentences of their owne Doctors (such as were Card. Bellarmine, Boucher, Carerius, Bozius, Rainolds, Allen, Simancha, Costerus, Sanders, Creswell, Dolman ) doe, without exemption, defend a rooting out of all Princes, who shall not subiect themselues vnder the Pope of Rome, whensoeuer there is a sufficient power to preuaile:
Seeing now Therefore, that After M. Parsons hath made his full Reckoning, and that answer hath been made to all his exceptions, we find that their former Bulls, and practises of their Popes (such as were Pope Greg. 7. Paulus 3. Sixtus Quintus, Pius Quintus) and that the sentences of their own Doctors (such as were Card. Bellarmine, Boucher, Carerius, Bozius, Reynolds, Allen, Simancha, Costerus, Sanders, Creswell, Dolman) doe, without exemption, defend a rooting out of all Princes, who shall not Subject themselves under the Pope of Rome, whensoever there is a sufficient power to prevail:
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Albeit it doth no lesse manifestly appeare, and that by the confession of their owne Authors, that in the time of the old law, the High Priests were subiect vnto Kings;
Albeit it does no less manifestly appear, and that by the Confessi of their own Authors, that in the time of the old law, the High Priests were Subject unto Kings;
and (as for the succeeding Fathers, such as were Tert. Cyprian, Chrysostom, Athanasius, Ambrose, Leo, Augustine, and Gregory the Great ) that they (as it hath beene likewise confessed) did professe their subiection vnto the Emperours of their time, according to the doctrine maintained in our Church.
and (as for the succeeding Father's, such as were Tert Cyprian, Chrysostom, Athanasius, Ambrose, Leo, Augustine, and Gregory the Great) that they (as it hath been likewise confessed) did profess their subjection unto the emperors of their time, according to the Doctrine maintained in our Church.
All these Considerations cannot but iustifie the first part of my Chalenge, concerning the Discouery of seditious Romish Positions, and Practises of Rebellion.
All these Considerations cannot but justify the First part of my Challenge, Concerning the Discovery of seditious Romish Positions, and Practises of Rebellion.
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13 As for the decyphering of the disloyall affection of M. Parsons the former Mitigator, what can be more pregnant then are his owne clauses, who permitteth a subiection vnto Protestant Kings with a May, and of a Possibility, instead of a Must, and Necessity? who also alloweth his Catholiks to acknowledge their loyalty vnto our king only,
13 As for the deciphering of the disloyal affection of M. Parsons the former Mitigator, what can be more pregnant then Are his own clauses, who permitteth a subjection unto Protestant Kings with a May, and of a Possibility, instead of a Must, and Necessity? who also alloweth his Catholics to acknowledge their loyalty unto our King only,
so long as they are Vsed as Subiects, and then complaineth that they are not vsed as Subiects? Who teacheth that they who are Lawfully Excommunicate by the Pope,
so long as they Are Used as Subjects, and then Complaineth that they Are not used as Subjects? Who Teaches that they who Are Lawfully Excommunicate by the Pope,
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& persist obstinate, may not be heads in Christian Communion? who can affoord no more grieuous epithet vnto the horrible plot of the Gunpowder Treason,
& persist obstinate, may not be Heads in Christian Communion? who can afford no more grievous epithet unto the horrible plot of the Gunpowder Treason,
if they had power to execute their will, could finde no better euasion then to say that the question was Impertinent? Finally, who defendeth the booke of Dolman, als.
if they had power to execute their will, could find no better evasion then to say that the question was Impertinent? Finally, who defendeth the book of Dolman, also.
Parsons, which hath bene condemned by their owne Priest, as most Rebellious against the English State? How shall not this be held a iust performance of the second part of the Challenge? The discharge of the third part of the Challenge, against Mentall Equiuocation; as it hath beene described by M. Parsons.
Parsons, which hath be condemned by their own Priest, as most Rebellious against the English State? How shall not this be held a just performance of the second part of the Challenge? The discharge of the third part of the Challenge, against Mental Equivocation; as it hath been described by M. Parsons.
and Vniuersities, is in sundry places of this Encounter largely discussed, and prooued to a lie, not only from Reason, but also from the iudgement of Romish Doctors;
and Universities, is in sundry places of this Encounter largely discussed, and proved to a lie, not only from Reason, but also from the judgement of Romish Doctors;
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such as were Sepulveda, Aquinas, Gabriel Biel, Scotus, Henricus de Gandauo, Azorius, and Sotus: and was neuer iustified for true by any Heathenish man;
such as were Sepulveda, Aquinas, Gabriel Biel, Scotus, Henricus de Gandauo, azorius, and Sotus: and was never justified for true by any Heathenish man;
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15 What would any Reader require, for the due performance of this discharge? The dispositions, which their Writers haue to falsifie? Then see aboue their Suarez condemned by Cumel; their Baronius reprooued by their Venetian Doctor;
15 What would any Reader require, for the due performance of this discharge? The dispositions, which their Writers have to falsify? Then see above their Suarez condemned by Cumel; their Baronius reproved by their Venetian Doctor;
their Boucher controlled by Barclay; their Gratian corrected by their Archbishop Tarraconensis; their Bellarmine condemned by Marsilius, by P. Paulus, and Barclay; and lastly their M. Parsons, and their Moderate Pamphletter confuted in this Encounter.
their Boucher controlled by Barclay; their Gratian corrected by their Archbishop Tarraconensis; their Bellarmine condemned by Marsilius, by P. Paulus, and Barclay; and lastly their M. Parsons, and their Moderate Pamphleter confuted in this Encounter.
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16 Would he furthemore haue it shewne vnto him, wherein they haue abused the Fathers? hee need but looke backe againe vnto the former Chapters, where Bellarmine is deprehended in that guilt;
16 Would he furthemore have it shown unto him, wherein they have abused the Father's? he need but look back again unto the former Chapters, where Bellarmine is deprehended in that guilt;
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where their Coccius (whom I was challenged by M. Parsons to examine) is conuicted of aboue 40. transgressions, in producing Fathers in the defence of but one doctrine of Purgatory.
where their Coccius (whom I was challenged by M. Parsons to examine) is convicted of above 40. transgressions, in producing Father's in the defence of but one Doctrine of Purgatory.
17 Doth he desire to vnderstand some thing of their slanders against their Aduersaries? then let him see the 11. which Bellarm. did iniuriously obiect against Protestants;
17 Does he desire to understand Some thing of their slanders against their Adversaries? then let him see the 11. which Bellarmine did injuriously Object against Protestants;
besides others committed by Surius, & the Moderate Answerer; and M. Parsons, as hath appeared thorow out this whole Encounter; towhich may be added a memorable slander about a Yorkshire case, discouered heereafter in the next Chapter in Answer to his Appendix.
beside Others committed by Surius, & the Moderate Answerer; and M. Parsons, as hath appeared thorough out this Whole Encounter; towhich may be added a memorable slander about a Yorkshire case, discovered hereafter in the next Chapter in Answer to his Appendix.
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18 What shall wee speake of the foundation of some doctrines of theirs by Deceitfull Apparitions of the dead; and the seales of their superstitions, their false Miracles? or else false doctrines themselues,
18 What shall we speak of the Foundation of Some doctrines of theirs by Deceitful Apparitions of the dead; and the Seals of their superstitions, their false Miracles? or Else false doctrines themselves,
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like vnto their doctrine of Indulgences, which haue beene confessed by some to be but a kinde of Deceits? To omit their fictitious Canon of Appeales to Rome in spirituall Cases;
like unto their Doctrine of Indulgences, which have been confessed by Some to be but a kind of Deceits? To omit their fictitious Canon of Appeals to Room in spiritual Cases;
then let him but remember the complaint, which their owne Marsilius hath made against their practise of Razing something out of the Councels, Canons, and Historians: some experience whereof we haue taken in M. Parsons his exceptions against Maldonate, Polydore, and Eman. Sa. As for their maner of Mentall Equiuocation, we haue prooued already to be but an artificiall lie:
then let him but Remember the complaint, which their own Marsilius hath made against their practice of Razing something out of the Counsels, Canonas, and Historians: Some experience whereof we have taken in M. Parsons his exceptions against Maldonate, Polydore, and Eman Sa. As for their manner of Mental Equivocation, we have proved already to be but an artificial lie:
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whereof something more remaineth to be spoken now in Answer vnto M. Parsons his Appendix, and as also touching his imagined Yorkshire Case of Equiuocating. CHAP. IX. Containing an Answer vnto M. Parsons his Appendix, which he hath inscribed thus.
whereof something more remains to be spoken now in Answer unto M. Parsons his Appendix, and as also touching his imagined Yorkshire Case of Equivocating. CHAP. IX. Containing an Answer unto M. Parsons his Appendix, which he hath inscribed thus.
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AN Appendix concerning a case of Equiuocation lately written out of England, wherein resolutionis demanded about the false Oath of two Ministers: Whether it may be salued by the licence of Equiuocation, or no? Together with a note out of D. King his Sermon, preached at the Court 5. of Nouemb. 1608. so farre foorth as it toucheth Equiuocation. The Reuew. §. I.
an Appendix Concerning a case of Equivocation lately written out of England, wherein resolutionis demanded about the false Oath of two Ministers: Whither it may be salved by the licence of Equivocation, or no? Together with a note out of D. King his Sermon, preached At the Court 5. of November 1608. so Far forth as it touches Equivocation. The Reuew. §. I.
2 This his Appendix comprizeth first a vilde slander against a Protestant Minister, by pretence of an vgly Equiuocating Case, supposed to haue beene acted in York-shire: And secondly a transgression (as it may seeme) against the trueth of Christ the Sonne of God, whom (in the Taxation, which he vseth against the Sermon of D r. King ) hee feineth to haue patronized and practised that forme of Equiuocation, which hee himselfe hath professed and defended in his Bookes.
2 This his Appendix compriseth First a vild slander against a Protestant Minister, by pretence of an ugly Equivocating Case, supposed to have been acted in Yorkshire: And secondly a Transgression (as it may seem) against the truth of christ the Son of God, whom (in the Taxation, which he uses against the Sermon of WORSER r. King) he feigneth to have patronized and practised that Form of Equivocation, which he himself hath professed and defended in his Books.
The point of slander, about the Case of York-shire, seemeth to containe three parts of Oratory. 1. An Exordium, or Preface: 2. A Narration or declarion of the Case;
The point of slander, about the Case of Yorkshire, seems to contain three parts of Oratory. 1. an Exordium, or Preface: 2. A Narration or declarion of the Case;
Ireceiued, gentle Reader, not long since by a letter of the eight of Nouember Anno. 1608. from a friend of minc dwelling in the North parts of England, acertaine Aduertisment about a case of Equiuocation fallen out in those parts, wherein my said friende requested my iudgement,
Ireceiued, gentle Reader, not long since by a Letter of the eight of November Anno 1608. from a friend of minc Dwelling in the North parts of England, Ascertain Advertisement about a case of Equivocation fallen out in those parts, wherein my said friend requested my judgement,
whether the same were tollerable, or excusable, or not? And for that it seemed he had some right to vrge me in the matter, in respect of the Trcatise written by me of that argument against M. Morton I thought my selfe the more bound to yeeld him some satisfaction to his demand.
whither the same were tolerable, or excusable, or not? And for that it seemed he had Some right to urge me in the matter, in respect of the Trcatise written by me of that argument against M. Mortonum I Thought my self the more bound to yield him Some satisfaction to his demand.
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and to consider, first, Who it is that inquireth whether this pretended Equiuocation be Tollerable, or not? M. Parsons hath tould vs that he is his Friend; and in that (according to his profession) great friend vnto any Protestant.
and to Consider, First, Who it is that inquires whither this pretended Equivocation be Tolerable, or not? M. Parsons hath told us that he is his Friend; and in that (according to his profession) great friend unto any Protestant.
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The only thing that he would know (poore soule) is, whether when a lawfull Magistrate proceedeth iudicially in examination vpon Oath, it may be held Tollerable for any to abuse and delude this Iudge by Equiuocating in Oath,
The only thing that he would know (poor soul) is, whither when a lawful Magistrate Proceedeth judicially in examination upon Oath, it may be held Tolerable for any to abuse and delude this Judge by Equivocating in Oath,
or no? But shal we thinke that M. Parsons his friend or any Christian would make question and doubt whether that be Tollerable, which euery conscience of man,
or no? But shall we think that M. Parsons his friend or any Christian would make question and doubt whither that be Tolerable, which every conscience of man,
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yea of the very Pagans, by the onely light and instinct of Nature, can presently condemne as most intollerable? Would he haue vs to thinke that his Friend could be so sottish as to make question about a point so vtterly vnquestionable?
yea of the very Pagans, by the only Light and instinct of Nature, can presently condemn as most intolerable? Would he have us to think that his Friend could be so sottish as to make question about a point so utterly unquestionable?
5 Thirdly, Whither now will his Friend trauell for meanes to remoue this great perplexity? We see that he now posteth ouer the Alpes as far as Rome, by his letters, for satisfaction in this case.
5 Thirdly, Whither now will his Friend travel for means to remove this great perplexity? We see that he now posteth over the Alps as Far as Room, by his letters, for satisfaction in this case.
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or secular Priest within England, that can resolue this so silly and sencelesse a doubt? and to vntwine so loose a thred? shall we thinke this probable?
or secular Priest within England, that can resolve this so silly and senseless a doubt? and to untwine so lose a thread? shall we think this probable?
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but his friend M. Parsons? and good reason, because It seemed ( saith M. Parsons) that he had some right to vrge me in this matter, in respect of the Treatise written by me of that matter against M. Morton, and I thought my selfe the more bound to yeeld him some satisfaction to his demand.
but his friend M. Parsons? and good reason, Because It seemed (Says M. Parsons) that he had Some right to urge me in this matter, in respect of the Treatise written by me of that matter against M. Mortonum, and I Thought my self the more bound to yield him Some satisfaction to his demand.
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Let vs put his former Reason and this Conclusion together, and hence I infer a notable absurditie, viz. that Master Parsons his Friend must bethought to haue sent many hundred miles vnto M. Parsons, to answer a doubt by his letters, which he had largely and sufficiently vnfoulded and assoiled publikely by his booke a yeere before.
Let us put his former Reason and this Conclusion together, and hence I infer a notable absurdity, viz. that Master Parsons his Friend must bethought to have sent many hundred miles unto M. Parsons, to answer a doubt by his letters, which he had largely and sufficiently unfolded and assoiled publicly by his book a year before.
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7 These fower particular circumstances, viz. 1 Who, 2 What, 3 Whither, 4 and Whom, implying these sower Improbabilities, the 1. to seeke to be informed in conscience concerning a sinne, that did not concerne him:
7 These fower particular Circumstances, viz. 1 Who, 2 What, 3 Whither, 4 and Whom, implying these sour Improbabilities, the 1. to seek to be informed in conscience Concerning a sin, that did not concern him:
do all (in my apprehension more then coniecturally tell vs, that this Case was deuised either by M. Parsons his friend, or else by himselfe, tather than deriued from the practise of any Protestant.
do all (in my apprehension more then conjecturally tell us, that this Case was devised either by M. Parsons his friend, or Else by himself, tather than derived from the practice of any Protestant.
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A certaine Minister in Yorkshire named Wh. (for I thinke not good to set dewne all the letters thereof) dwelling at a towne called Thornley, if I misse not the name.
A certain Minister in Yorkshire nam Where (for I think not good to Set dewne all the letters thereof) Dwelling At a town called Thornley, if I miss not the name.
8 Vpon the discouery of the falshoods of this Narration, it will easily appeare that M. Parsons had rather cause to blush at the noting of the two first letters of the Ministers name,
8 Upon the discovery of the falsehoods of this Narration, it will Easily appear that M. Parsons had rather cause to blush At the noting of the two First letters of the Ministers name,
then the Minister himselfe need to be ashamed, to be named to the full, who is willing to reueale himselfe to bee that Ed. Whitakers, Rector of the Parsonage of Thornhil (for that is the right name of the place) who had a sute with M. C. about the Tithe of a Closse:
then the Minister himself need to be ashamed, to be nam to the full, who is willing to reveal himself to be that Ed. Whitakers, Rector of the Parsonage of Thornhil (for that is the right name of the place) who had a suit with M. C. about the Tithe of a Close:
but how? M. Parsons hath related the Case in the behalse of the Defendant, shall not wee be heard speak for the Plaintiffe? Qui partem alteram audit, parte inaudit â alterâ, ( saith Seneca ) iniquus erit, aequum licet iudicauerit:
but how? M. Parsons hath related the Case in the behalse of the Defendant, shall not we be herd speak for the Plaintiff? Qui partem Another audit, part inaudit â alterâ, (Says Senecca) iniquus erit, Aequum licet judicaverit:
He being married and loaden with many children, and thereupon not content with the ordinary Tithes, that were woont to be giuen, and paid in that Parish: The Reuiew.
He being married and loaded with many children, and thereupon not content with the ordinary Tithes, that were wont to be given, and paid in that Parish: The Reuiew.
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9 This is spoken to make the Minister seeme to haue been a man contentious, who notwithstanding dare professe of himselfe, that for Thirtie yeeres space, (for so long hath he beene Rector of that Parsonage) hee troubled not any of his Parishoners for Tithe, except the now questioned.
9 This is spoken to make the Minister seem to have been a man contentious, who notwithstanding Dare profess of himself, that for Thirtie Years Molle, (for so long hath he been Rector of that Parsonage) he troubled not any of his Parishioners for Tithe, except the now questioned.
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He began to vrge one of his Parishioners to pay him other Tithes also out of a certaine Closse or Field that was pretended not to haue paied Tithes before to other precedent Incumbents.
He began to urge one of his Parishioners to pay him other Tithes also out of a certain Close or Field that was pretended not to have paid Tithes before to other precedent Incumbents.
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Whereupon this Minister deuising with himselfe, how he might further his owne cause, resolued vpon this meane, among others, to deale with another Minister, which immediately before had possessed that Benefice, intreating him aswell by request,
Whereupon this Minister devising with himself, how he might further his own cause, resolved upon this mean, among Others, to deal with Another Minister, which immediately before had possessed that Benefice, entreating him aswell by request,
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as by offering him a piece of money (as hither is written) to assist him in this behalfe, by lending him the aid of an oath, that he had receiued Tithes before that time out of that Closse or Field. The Reuiew.
as by offering him a piece of money (as hither is written) to assist him in this behalf, by lending him the aid of an oath, that he had received Tithes before that time out of that Close or Field. The Reuiew.
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especially for that he tould him him he had so great friendship and acquaintance with those that must be Iudges and examiners of the cause at Yorke, as he doubted not but their two oathes would caris it away. The Reuiew.
especially for that he told him him he had so great friendship and acquaintance with those that must be Judges and examiners of the cause At York, as he doubted not but their two Oaths would Caris it away. The Reuiew.
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11 M. Parsons had a great minde to bring some Minister vpon the stage for all spectators to point at him, insomuch that he hath fancied such a man to be that Minister, as was dead and buried twenty yeeres before the beginning of this Sute, as was said.
11 M. Parsons had a great mind to bring Some Minister upon the stage for all spectators to point At him, insomuch that he hath fancied such a man to be that Minister, as was dead and buried twenty Years before the beginning of this Suit, as was said.
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But it is knowne what a Priestly Itch M. Parsons had to traduce Ministers: which kinde of dealing might proceed from a Conscience that was mortua, but not mortificata. Although these former falshoods may much preiudice M. Parsons his Report;
But it is known what a Priestly Itch M. Parsons had to traduce Ministers: which kind of dealing might proceed from a Conscience that was Mortua, but not mortificata. Although these former falsehoods may much prejudice M. Parsons his Report;
for that the whole Towne and Parish of Thornley offering themselues confidently to sweare and depose the contrary in behalfe of the Defendant (to wit, that Tithes were not accustomed to be paied out of that place) the Ministers had sentence giuen against them, with no small note of publike periury. The Reuiew.
for that the Whole Town and Parish of Thornley offering themselves confidently to swear and depose the contrary in behalf of the Defendant (to wit, that Tithes were not accustomed to be paid out of that place) the Ministers had sentence given against them, with no small note of public perjury. The Reuiew.
The trueth heereof I haue confirmed not only by M. Whit. his protestation, but also by the most credible testimony as wel of the then Iudge in the Court of Yorke, who kept a note of the passages in this cause,
The truth hereof I have confirmed not only by M. Whit. his protestation, but also by the most credible testimony as well of the then Judge in the Court of York, who kept a note of the passages in this cause,
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I forbeare to mention a publike Instrument vnder seale, which noteth that M. C. sought for a Prohibition against M. Whit. after the Assises at Yorke. We may guesse what complection M. Parsons his friend was of, who blushed not to say, that M. Whit. had sentence giuen against him at Yorke. Furtheimore,
I forbear to mention a public Instrument under seal, which notes that M. C. sought for a Prohibition against M. Whit. After the Assizes At York. We may guess what complexion M. Parsons his friend was of, who blushed not to say, that M. Whit. had sentence given against him At York. Furtheimore,
14 It was to be sentenced before the Ordinary at Yorke, but before the sentence was pronounced, M. C. got a Prohibition at London, wherein M. Whit. obtained a Consultation, because M. C. had been Non-suit in a former Prohibition at Yorke. Neuerthelesse he procured a third Prohibition, & was againe by another Consullation remitted to his Ordinary at Yorke. He stirreth vp to London for a fourth Prohibition, and after that, a fift and a sixt;
14 It was to be sentenced before the Ordinary At York, but before the sentence was pronounced, M. C. god a Prohibition At London, wherein M. Whit. obtained a Consultation, Because M. C. had been Nonsuit in a former Prohibition At York. Nevertheless he procured a third Prohibition, & was again by Another Consullation remitted to his Ordinary At York. He stirs up to London for a fourth Prohibition, and After that, a fift and a sixt;
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After the three last Prohibitions he procured an Iniunction out of the Chauncery against M. Whi: but vpon Information giucn to the Court it was speedily dissolued.
After the three last Prohibitions he procured an Injunction out of the Chancery against M. Whi: but upon Information giucn to the Court it was speedily dissolved.
Is not this a strange case, which continuing the space of nine yeeres, was so often tossed like a Tennis-bal between London and Yorke? But in the end the matter was so vexatiously caried on M. C. his part,
Is not this a strange case, which Continuing the Molle of nine Years, was so often tossed like a Tennis-bal between London and York? But in the end the matter was so vexatiously carried on M. C. his part,
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Notwithstanding M. Parsons still boasteth and maketh sport in behalfe of his Defendant, and plaieth merily vpon a slanderous figment, as followeth. M. PARSONS his Appendix.
Notwithstanding M. Parsons still boasts and makes sport in behalf of his Defendant, and playeth merrily upon a slanderous figment, as follows. M. PARSONS his Appendix.
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or rather forsweare in such maner, the thing being knowne to be so notoriously false? He answered, that they in their owne sence did sweare truely (behold then the Case of Equiuocation) and that so they were ready to prooue it,
or rather forswear in such manner, the thing being known to be so notoriously false? He answered, that they in their own sense did swear truly (behold then the Case of Equivocation) and that so they were ready to prove it,
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if they had beene vrged by the Iudges therein, to wit, that their meaning in swearing was, that the former Incumbent had receiued Tithes out of that Closse or Field,
if they had been urged by the Judges therein, to wit, that their meaning in swearing was, that the former Incumbent had received Tithes out of that Close or Field,
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& famous Treasurer of learning Sir Tho. B. that there was such a iest as this set abroach in M. Parsons his time in Oxford, by one, who merily maintained that the testimonie, which he alleaged, was out of Aristotle; that is not credible (said his fellow:) the other brought for his defence, a booke which was not Aristotle, where the alleaged testimonie was extant,
& famous Treasurer of learning Sir Tho. B. that there was such a jest as this Set abroach in M. Parsons his time in Oxford, by one, who merrily maintained that the testimony, which he alleged, was out of Aristotle; that is not credible (said his fellow:) the other brought for his defence, a book which was not Aristotle, where the alleged testimony was extant,
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but especially when we recognize the falsities of the Narration and Declaration it selfe, wherein a Minister is made a witnesse, who was dead twenty yeeres before;
but especially when we recognise the falsities of the Narration and Declaration it self, wherein a Minister is made a witness, who was dead twenty Years before;
How can we but thinke that this Equiuocating by out and in, came out of M. Parsons his Equiuocating braine, wherein the Mitigation, for defence of a woorse kinde of Equiuocation, by Mentall Reseruation, was formerly ingendred? What remaineth now,
How can we but think that this Equivocating by out and in, Come out of M. Parsons his Equivocating brain, wherein the Mitigation, for defence of a Worse kind of Equivocation, by Mental Reservation, was formerly engendered? What remains now,
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but that we vnderstand what Determination M. Parsons hath passed vpon this forged Case? The Conclusion and determination of the former Case. M. PARSONS his Appendix.
but that we understand what Determination M. Parsons hath passed upon this forged Case? The Conclusion and determination of the former Case. M. PARSONS his Appendix.
as hath been prooued yet in foro fori, and outward court of mans Iudicature, wherin the secret thoughts of men cannot be discerned, it may be censured for a lie.
as hath been proved yet in foro Fori, and outward court of men Judicature, wherein the secret thoughts of men cannot be discerned, it may be censured for a lie.
And whether it be a lie, or not a lie, yet being a deceit and delusion against a Magistrate in an Oath, none can deny but euery such practise is Detestable abhominable, indispensable, and impious both before God and man.
And whither it be a lie, or not a lie, yet being a deceit and delusion against a Magistrate in an Oath, none can deny but every such practice is Detestable abominable, indispensable, and impious both before God and man.
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18 But now, after the examination of the Third part of his Accusation, I cannot see how M. Parsons could haue chosen a more extraordinary and famous case, wherein to betray their owne malice against Ministers, and to make themselues most notoriously infamous, by deuising this Equiuocation of out and in, which may perswade any indifferent Reader to crie out vpon such dealing,
18 But now, After the examination of the Third part of his Accusation, I cannot see how M. Parsons could have chosen a more extraordinary and famous case, wherein to betray their own malice against Ministers, and to make themselves most notoriously infamous, by devising this Equivocation of out and in, which may persuade any indifferent Reader to cry out upon such dealing,
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and to retort his Retorique vpon our Aduersaries, saying that such their guilefull defaming of Protestants is detestable, their obiecting of periury, where there was not so much as an Oath, is abhominablc, their abusing of their Readers credulity is impious; their transgression against their owne Conscience is indispensable; and whatsoeuer lie there is in it is to be attributed not to the supposed Actor,
and to retort his Rhetoric upon our Adversaries, saying that such their guileful defaming of Protestants is detestable, their objecting of perjury, where there was not so much as an Oath, is abhominablc, their abusing of their Readers credulity is impious; their Transgression against their own Conscience is indispensable; and whatsoever lie there is in it is to be attributed not to the supposed Actor,
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19 Finally, for asmuch as our Aduersaries will seeme to make such kinde of Equiuocating hateful, it might haue become them to haue condemned their owne Mint and Doctrine of Equiuocating,
19 Finally, for as as our Adversaries will seem to make such kind of Equivocating hateful, it might have become them to have condemned their own Mint and Doctrine of Equivocating,
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before that they had slandered others by false accusation in that, whereof some of themselues stand conuicted, by the the confessions of their owne fellowes;
before that they had slandered Others by false accusation in that, whereof Some of themselves stand convicted, by the the confessions of their own Fellows;
A Confutation of M. PARSONS his proofe of Mental Equiuocation taken from the speeches of Christ, in Ioh. 8. vpon an occasion, which he tooke at D. Kings Sermon. §. II. M. PARSONS his Appendix, and Challenge.
A Confutation of M. PARSONS his proof of Mental Equivocation taken from the Speeches of christ, in John 8. upon an occasion, which he took At D. Kings Sermon. §. II M. PARSONS his Appendix, and Challenge.
when he, or his can prooue that any one Iesuite in the world amongst so many thousands as are extant, hath euer practised, patronised, published, or perswaded any such Equiuocation as this, which was vsed by the Ministers of Yorkeshire? When would either Master Southwell, or M. Garnet, whom they are wont to accuse for this dostrine, haue taken such an oath for deceiuing of their Neighbours,
when he, or his can prove that any one Iesuite in the world among so many thousands as Are extant, hath ever practised, patronised, published, or persuaded any such Equivocation as this, which was used by the Ministers of Yorkshire? When would either Master Southwell, or M. Garnet, whom they Are wont to accuse for this Doctrine, have taken such an oath for deceiving of their Neighbours,
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as those Ministers did? Was this out of the infirmity of the flesh, and pusillanimity, or rather out of couetousnesse and iniquity? Was it with the faces of Hierusalem and Iudah, or not rather of Sodome and Gomorrah? The Reuiew, yeelding confessed Examples of Iesuiticall practize, in lying AEquiuocations.
as those Ministers did? Was this out of the infirmity of the Flesh, and pusillanimity, or rather out of covetousness and iniquity? Was it with the faces of Jerusalem and Iudah, or not rather of Sodom and Gomorrah? The Reuiew, yielding confessed Examples of Jesuitical practice, in lying AEquiuocations.
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20 Thus the old man still venteth his choler adust, raging, and reuiling a learned Doctour, whose studies haue soared some what aboue M. Parsons his reach:
20 Thus the old man still venteth his choler adust, raging, and reviling a learned Doctor, whose studies have soared Some what above M. Parsons his reach:
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M. Parsons is therefore so bitter against him, because he thought their Eq 〈 ◊ 〉 do carne the faces of Sodome and Gomorrha by paironizing, publishing, and perswading 〈 ◊ 〉 whole world the lawfulnesse of their 〈 ◊ 〉 and 〈 ◊ ◊ 〉 who from hencefoorth (said he) may ease the 〈 ◊ ◊ 〉 Crete from their 〈 ◊ 〉 insame, which the Apostle 〈 ◊ 〉 vpon them, that the Cretensians are lyars, &c. These 〈 ◊ 〉 & M. Parsons calleth hot and vehement calumniations, 〈 ◊ 〉 outcries, idle 〈 ◊ 〉 and flat lies:
M. Parsons is Therefore so bitter against him, Because he Thought their Eq 〈 ◊ 〉 do Carnem the faces of Sodom and Gomorrha by paironizing, publishing, and persuading 〈 ◊ 〉 Whole world the lawfulness of their 〈 ◊ 〉 and 〈 ◊ ◊ 〉 who from henceforth (said he) may ease the 〈 ◊ ◊ 〉 Crete from their 〈 ◊ 〉 insame, which the Apostle 〈 ◊ 〉 upon them, that the Cretans Are liars, etc. These 〈 ◊ 〉 & M. Parsons calls hight and vehement calumniations, 〈 ◊ 〉 Outcries, idle 〈 ◊ 〉 and flat lies:
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And in the end exacteth of him an answer vnto his reasons, for the defence of the Art of 〈 ◊ 〉 which are set downe in the Mitigation. In the which challenge who seeth not there is more windy 〈 ◊ 〉 then sober 〈 ◊ 〉 if either he considered the admirable,
And in the end exacteth of him an answer unto his Reasons, for the defence of the Art of 〈 ◊ 〉 which Are Set down in the Mitigation. In the which challenge who sees not there is more windy 〈 ◊ 〉 then Sobrium 〈 ◊ 〉 if either he considered the admirable,
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and indeed (in his kinde) kingly 〈 ◊ 〉 of that our Doctor; or the vntempered morter, 〈 ◊ 〉 M. Parsons hath dawbed vp a defence of his mentall Equiuocation,
and indeed (in his kind) kingly 〈 ◊ 〉 of that our Doctor; or the untempered mortar, 〈 ◊ 〉 M. Parsons hath daubed up a defence of his mental Equivocation,
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euen by reason of the mixture of absurditie and impietie, whereof they consist? As may be seene especially in his reason taken from the examples of Christ in Scripture.
even by reason of the mixture of absurdity and impiety, whereof they consist? As may be seen especially in his reason taken from the Examples of christ in Scripture.
whether he had been beyond the Sea, or no? Answered, No, meaning the Adriatique Sea; or other such like Delphicall euasions vsed by M. Garnet in his examinations, which were so vgly, that the Examiners were thereby driuen into woonder and horror;
whither he had been beyond the Sea, or no? Answered, No, meaning the Adriatic Sea; or other such like Delphicall evasions used by M. Garnet in his examinations, which were so ugly, that the Examiners were thereby driven into wonder and horror;
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M. Parsons or some for him would readily reply that the Magistrats in England are no competent Iudges of their Priests; and that in so great an hazard,
M. Parsons or Some for him would readily reply that the Magistrates in England Are no competent Judges of their Priests; and that in so great an hazard,
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as was his libertie, or life, hee might lawfully Equiuocate. But I haue already prooued. that the authoritie of our Magistrates ouer a Priest is most iust:
as was his liberty, or life, he might lawfully Equivocate. But I have already proved. that the Authority of our Magistrates over a Priest is most just:
22 But what need we our owne collection, for the manifestation of their lesuiticall delusions, seeing that we may be sufficiently enabled hereunto by our 〈 ◊ ◊ 〉 We haue often heard of the complaint of a College of Romish Priests against M. Parsons for his coosenage,
22 But what need we our own collection, for the manifestation of their lesuiticall delusions, seeing that we may be sufficiently enabled hereunto by our 〈 ◊ ◊ 〉 We have often herd of the complaint of a College of Romish Priests against M. Parsons for his cozenage,
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23 Besides this, their Quodlibettarian Priest declameth against the lesuits, because of their Abuse of Equiuocation, making it indeed (saith he) nothing but an Art of lying, cogging and foisting,
23 Beside this, their Quodlibettarian Priest declaimeth against the lesuits, Because of their Abuse of Equivocation, making it indeed (Says he) nothing but an Art of lying, cogging and foisting,
when being asked of his Holinesse, whether the matter of the setting vp of the 〈 ◊ 〉 in England was done by the consent of all the rest of the Priests in England,
when being asked of his Holiness, whither the matter of the setting up of the 〈 ◊ 〉 in England was done by the consent of all the rest of the Priests in England,
or not? answered, (but falsly, for scarce one of the secular Priests in England, in respect of the whole number, knew of it) that, [ It was, ] reseruing to him 〈 ◊ 〉 this part, vz.
or not? answered, (but falsely, for scarce one of the secular Priests in England, in respect of the Whole number, knew of it) that, [ It was, ] reserving to him 〈 ◊ 〉 this part, Vz.
And the like practise of Iesuits he there noteth with Ca. Caietane, in offering his Lordship the names of Priests, as consenting to that which they did not,
And the like practice of Iesuits he there notes with Circa Cajetan, in offering his Lordship the names of Priests, as consenting to that which they did not,
If all would consent Can any presume that they will feare by Equiuocating to abuse their neighbours, who make so bold to collude with their ghostly father,
If all would consent Can any presume that they will Fear by Equivocating to abuse their neighbours, who make so bold to collude with their ghostly father,
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except that of Out, and In, which (vpon due examination) appeareth to haue beene either the lying suggestion of his friend, or else the false inuention and forgery of his owne braine.
except that of Out, and In, which (upon due examination) appears to have been either the lying suggestion of his friend, or Else the false invention and forgery of his own brain.
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And who is there among all Protestants that euer put pen to paper, to iustifie M. Parsons maner of Mentall Reseruation? But as for our Aduersaries, their profession herein is so rancke,
And who is there among all Protestants that ever put pen to paper, to justify M. Parsons manner of Mental Reservation? But as for our Adversaries, their profession herein is so rank,
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Yet this deuellish Doctrine were lesse dangerous, if it did not transforme it selfe into the resemblance of more than an Angell of light, by pretending the example of our Blessed Sauiour Christ, as followeth. CHAP. X. Short answers vnto the particular Instances, which M. PARSONS vsed out of 8. chap. of S. Iohn, for colour of their Romish AEquiuocation. And first by way of Introduction.
Yet this deuellish Doctrine were less dangerous, if it did not transform it self into the resemblance of more than an Angel of Light, by pretending the Exampl of our Blessed Saviour christ, as follows. CHAP. X. Short answers unto the particular Instances, which M. PARSONS used out of 8. chap. of S. John, for colour of their Romish AEquiuocation. And First by Way of Introduction.
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as in one onely chapter of S. Iohns Gospell, I finde Christ to haue vsed the same aboue 7. or 8. times at least setting downe certaine propositions, that of themselues,
as in one only chapter of S. Iohns Gospel, I find christ to have used the same above 7. or 8. times At least setting down certain propositions, that of themselves,
1 It is sit, before we seeke to satisfie others, that first we labour to vnderstand our selues, by setting downe the true differences which are betweene vs. To this end I distinguish of 〈 ◊ 〉 or Amphibology (as they are largely taken) into Verbal, and Mentall.
1 It is fit, before we seek to satisfy Others, that First we labour to understand our selves, by setting down the true differences which Are between us To this end I distinguish of 〈 ◊ 〉 or Amphibology (as they Are largely taken) into Verbal, and Mental.
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2 The Verball is (as hath beene said) when any speech hath 〈 ◊ 〉 diuerse ambiguous and doubtfull sences, according to the outward vse of the words in themselues,
2 The Verbal is (as hath been said) when any speech hath 〈 ◊ 〉 diverse ambiguous and doubtful Senses, according to the outward use of the words in themselves,
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wittily changing the more vsuall sence of the word, Vnderstanding, as it signifieth wit and iudgement, into the lesse common acceptation thereof, wherein it agreed vnto a mans legges.
wittily changing the more usual sense of the word, Understanding, as it signifies wit and judgement, into the less Common acceptation thereof, wherein it agreed unto a men legs.
〈 ◊ 〉 much different was the answer of a Market-man vnto one, who being desirous to know what prices good horses bare, asked him, Homgce Horses at the faire? Sir (quoth he) some amble, and some trot;
〈 ◊ 〉 much different was the answer of a Marketman unto one, who being desirous to know what Princes good Horses bore, asked him, Homgce Horses At the fair? Sir (quoth he) Some amble, and Some trot;
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4 As there is a Verball Amphibology, and doubtfull sence in particular words, so is there also in the composition of whole sentences, and that in infinite varieties;
4 As there is a Verbal Amphibology, and doubtful sense in particular words, so is there also in the composition of Whole sentences, and that in infinite varieties;
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As when the man said that he met this morning a cart full of stones empty: which words, taken according to the common reading, doe yeelde no sence, but that which is sencelesse;
As when the man said that he met this morning a cart full of stones empty: which words, taken according to the Common reading, do yield no sense, but that which is senseless;
Ironia, and Apiosiopesis: For first in Ironia, or iesting and derision, the meaning, which is conueyed by the words, sometimes is quite contrary vnto the naturall propertie of the words themselues:
Ironia, and Apiosiopesis: For First in Ironia, or jesting and derision, the meaning, which is conveyed by the words, sometime is quite contrary unto the natural property of the words themselves:
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as may be decerned in that contention, which the Prophet Eliah had with Baals Priests, wherein he is said to haue mocked the Priests of Baal, saying to them, Cry aloud,
as may be decerned in that contention, which the Prophet Elijah had with Baal's Priests, wherein he is said to have mocked the Priests of Baal, saying to them, Cry aloud,
to vnderstand that the Prophet now contending against Baal, to proue him to be no God, did meane, by calling him God, and attributing vnto him properties, which cannot agree vnto God (as talking, iourneying, sleeping ) but to scorne & deride him,
to understand that the Prophet now contending against Baal, to prove him to be no God, did mean, by calling him God, and attributing unto him properties, which cannot agree unto God (as talking, journeying, sleeping) but to scorn & deride him,
and indeed to call him No God. Like hereunto was the Answer which the Prophet Michaih made vnto Ahab, when he answered him, saying, Goc vp to Ramath Gilead, and prosper:
and indeed to call him No God. Like hereunto was the Answer which the Prophet Michaih made unto Ahab, when he answered him, saying, Goc up to Ramath Gilead, and prosper:
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6. The 2. figure, which can best claime any alliance with Mentall Reseruation, is 〈 ◊ 〉 or Reticentia, which M. Parsons bringeth in to patterne their Romish Reseruation. This is such a speech,
6. The 2. figure, which can best claim any alliance with Mental Reservation, is 〈 ◊ 〉 or Reticentia, which M. Parsons brings in to pattern their Romish Reservation. This is such a speech,
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We haue an example in the 3. of Gen. where God now casting Adam out of Paradise, saith, But now left, man doe put foorth his hand and take also of the tree of life,
We have an Exampl in the 3. of Gen. where God now casting Adam out of Paradise, Says, But now left, man do put forth his hand and take also of the tree of life,
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and cannot any whit countenance the Romish Mentall 〈 ◊ 〉 which is not all implied in the outward forme of the speech, as we shall presently demonstrate.
and cannot any whit countenance the Romish Mental 〈 ◊ 〉 which is not all implied in the outward Form of the speech, as we shall presently demonstrate.
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but it accordeth vnto the vse of the outward words and the meaning may possibly be apprehended by an intelligent Reader, who can iustly obserue the phrase of speech, and the due circumstances thereof.
but it accords unto the use of the outward words and the meaning may possibly be apprehended by an intelligent Reader, who can justly observe the phrase of speech, and the due Circumstances thereof.
If a Priest being asked by a Protestant Magistrate vnto whom hee thinketh he is not bound to answere directly whether he be an Anoynted Priest? and shall answere, saying;
If a Priest being asked by a Protestant Magistrate unto whom he Thinketh he is not bound to answer directly whither he be an Anointed Priest? and shall answer, saying;
The place then which I meane is the 8. chapter of S. Iohns Gospell, where Christ our Sauiour entring into a large speech with the Iewes, vseth first thesewords, which I haue examined before in my said Treatise of Equiuocation: Ego non iudico quenquam, I doe not iudge any man:
The place then which I mean is the 8. chapter of S. Iohns Gospel, where christ our Saviour entering into a large speech with the Iewes, uses First thesewords, which I have examined before in my said Treatise of Equivocation: Ego non Judico quenquam, I do not judge any man:
which seeming to be contrary to that other saying of himselfe within a very few lines, in the same Chapter, I haue many things to speake, and iudge of you:
which seeming to be contrary to that other saying of himself within a very few lines, in the same Chapter, I have many things to speak, and judge of you:
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which being examined by the ancient Fathers what it might be, S. Chrysostom with Leontius Thcophilus, and others doe thinke the said secret meaning or Reseruation of our Sauiour to haue beene this:
which being examined by the ancient Father's what it might be, S. Chrysostom with Leontius Thcophilus, and Others do think the said secret meaning or Reservation of our Saviour to have been this:
for if we vnderstand the sentence, [ I doe iudgeno man ] according to the first exposition, which signifieth that he did not now iudge men, in this life, it is explicable enough by this and other Scriptures:
for if we understand the sentence, [ I do iudgeno man ] according to the First exposition, which signifies that he did not now judge men, in this life, it is explicable enough by this and other Scriptures:
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And to this purpose the text saith (as Caietane obserueth) Non iudico, not, Non iudicabo, that is, I iudge noman, it saith not, I will iudge no man, so that there is no shadow of Repuganancie in this with the other speeches of Christ.
And to this purpose the text Says (as Cajetan observeth) Non Judico, not, Non iudicabo, that is, I judge Roman, it Says not, I will judge no man, so that there is no shadow of Repuganancie in this with the other Speeches of christ.
but I iudge no man, namely (NONLATINALPHABET saith Maddonate) according to the flesh, whereby Christ distinguisheth his maner of iudgement from the Pharisees; because they,
but I judge no man, namely (Says Maddonate) according to the Flesh, whereby christ Distinguisheth his manner of judgement from the Pharisees; Because they,
But the sense of the Priest is not so, for if he shall say, I am no Priest, meaning of the old law, is there any wit of man that can diue into the depth of this Reseruation? The second place, vers. 32. M. PARSONS Appendix.
But the sense of the Priest is not so, for if he shall say, I am no Priest, meaning of the old law, is there any wit of man that can dive into the depth of this Reservation? The second place, vers. 32. M. PARSONS Appendix.
Which freedome, or deliucrance the lawes vnderstood from temporall bondage: and therefore answered answered him. that they were the seede of Abraham, and had neuer beene in bondage to any.
Which freedom, or deliucrance the laws understood from temporal bondage: and Therefore answered answered him. that they were the seed of Abraham, and had never been in bondage to any.
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As if he had said (saith Card. Caietane) Behold what the seruitude is, whereof I speake, &c. Which is a case familiar euen vnto the Pagans themselues (as their Bishop Iansenius wellnoteth;) insomuch that Diogines vsed to say that There is no difference betweene Seruants,
As if he had said (Says Card. Cajetan) Behold what the servitude is, whereof I speak, etc. Which is a case familiar even unto the Pagans themselves (as their Bishop Jansenius wellnoteth;) insomuch that Diogenes used to say that There is no difference between Servants,
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And consequently there must needes be some Mentall Reseruation in this other speech, when he saith, he seeketh not his owne glory, which the Fathers doe indeuour to seeke out in their Commentaries. The Reuiew.
And consequently there must needs be Some Mental Reservation in this other speech, when he Says, he seeks not his own glory, which the Father's do endeavour to seek out in their Commentaries. The Reuiew.
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so in the other places obiected, but in this place it is taken for the glory of Reuenge, as the words which immediatly go before and which follow immediately after doe import:
so in the other places objected, but in this place it is taken for the glory of Revenge, as the words which immediately go before and which follow immediately After do import:
for before it is said, You haue dishonored me, but I seeke not mine owne glory, that is, Vindictae, to take vengeance vpon you As their owne Authors Tolet, Salmeron, Maldonate, and Iansenius doe acknowledge.
for before it is said, You have dishonoured me, but I seek not mine own glory, that is, Vindictae, to take vengeance upon you As their own Authors Tolet, Salmeron, Maldonate, and Jansenius do acknowledge.
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What then? shall they be therefore vnpunished? No, for it followeth in the same verse There is one (that is, the Father) that seeketh and iudgeth, that is, Reuengeth, saith their Moldonate. How can this Verball Equiuocation, which is exlicable enough by the force of the outward words of the same vers.
What then? shall they be Therefore unpunished? No, for it follows in the same verse There is one (that is, the Father) that seeks and Judgeth, that is, Revenges, Says their Moldonate. How can this Verbal Equivocation, which is exlicable enough by the force of the outward words of the same vers.
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but our Sauiour had another intention and meaning reserued in his minde, by which reseruation the truth of the sentence was iustified, to wit, that they should not die in soule. The Reuiew.
but our Saviour had Another intention and meaning reserved in his mind, by which reservation the truth of the sentence was justified, to wit, that they should not die in soul. The Reuiew.
but in this place is applied only to the Eternal, as may appeare by the Text, He shal not see death inaeternum, that is, euerlastingly, For these words, in aeternum (saith Caietane) are added, to distinguish it from the temporal Death:
but in this place is applied only to the Eternal, as may appear by the Text, He shall not see death inaeternum, that is, everlastingly, For these words, in aeternum (Says Cajetan) Are added, to distinguish it from the temporal Death:
Wherefore some reserued sence must heere also be sought out, which according to the opinion of sundry expositours is that he meant this according to the opinion the Iewes, who esteemed that nothing which came from Christ himselfe.
Wherefore Some reserved sense must Here also be sought out, which according to the opinion of sundry expositors is that he meant this according to the opinion the Iewes, who esteemed that nothing which Come from christ himself.
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which sheweth that in the speech of Christ the Equiuocation was only Uerball, in the word, Glorifie, which of it selfe might signifie a iust and diuine glorifving of himselfe,
which shows that in the speech of christ the Equivocation was only Verbal, in the word, glorify, which of it self might signify a just and divine glorifving of himself,
Which fashion of Christs applying his speech vnto the vnderstanding of the hearer, is so far from iustifying of their Mentall AEquiuocation, that it doth cleerely consute it,
Which fashion of Christ applying his speech unto the understanding of the hearer, is so Far from justifying of their Mental AEquiuocation, that it does clearly consute it,
Was it not then a strange aduenture of M. Parsons, from a speech spoken and applied to the hearers meaning, to seeke to infer a Mentall Reseruation, wherein there is infoulded a meaning, which doth not,
Was it not then a strange adventure of M. Parsons, from a speech spoken and applied to the hearers meaning, to seek to infer a Mental Reservation, wherein there is infoulded a meaning, which does not,
as they ought to know him, by seruing him as he would and ought to be serued, according to the speech of Saint Paul to Titus Confitentur se nôsce Deum, factis autem negant, They confesse to know God in words,
as they ought to know him, by serving him as he would and ought to be served, according to the speech of Saint Paul to Titus Confitentur se nôsce God, factis autem negant, They confess to know God in words,
when he that beleeueth and professeth the true and syncere worship of God, doth notwithstanding wilfully and rebelliously transgresse his will, in which consideration Saint Iohn saith, He that saith he knoweth God, and yet keepeth not his Commaundement is a lyar.
when he that Believeth and Professes the true and sincere worship of God, does notwithstanding wilfully and rebelliously transgress his will, in which consideration Saint John Says, He that Says he Knoweth God, and yet Keepeth not his Commandment is a liar.
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And concerning the practicall acknowledgement there, Card. Tolet is direct, saying that Christ speaketh here of a knowledge which doth not onely signifie the act of vnderstanding,
And Concerning the practical acknowledgement there, Card. Tolet is Direct, saying that christ speaks Here of a knowledge which does not only signify the act of understanding,
But I know him, and keepe his Commaundement, doth expound himselfe, and reuealeth his meaning, signifying that They knew not God, because they kept not his Commaundement, as their Card. Tolet noteth;
But I know him, and keep his Commandment, does expound himself, and Revealeth his meaning, signifying that They knew not God, Because they kept not his Commandment, as their Card. Tolet notes;
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this Reseruation, to lend it, is locked vp close, lest it should be reuealed, and cannot naturally be implied in those outward words, I haue no money: and hath beene called by the Ies. Azorius a flat lye. Therefore there is as little affinitie betweene Christs sentences,
this Reservation, to lend it, is locked up close, lest it should be revealed, and cannot naturally be implied in those outward words, I have no money: and hath been called by the Ies. azorius a flat lie. Therefore there is as little affinity between Christ sentences,
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and had seene the day of his birth, and life, and taken great ioy thereby: and so did the Iewes vnderstand his meaning to be, not onely the common people,
and had seen the day of his birth, and life, and taken great joy thereby: and so did the Iewes understand his meaning to be, not only the Common people,
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and hast thou seene Abraham? Wherein notwithstanding they were greatly deceiued, for that Christ had another reserued meaning in his minde, which the holy Fathers doe labour greatly to expound vnto vs, what it was,
and hast thou seen Abraham? Wherein notwithstanding they were greatly deceived, for that christ had Another reserved meaning in his mind, which the holy Father's do labour greatly to expound unto us, what it was,
and in what true sence our Sauiour said that Abraham had seene his day: whose different opinions, reasons, and coniectures I will not stand to relate here;
and in what true sense our Saviour said that Abraham had seen his day: whose different opinions, Reasons, and Conjectures I will not stand to relate Here;
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It is sufficient for me to haue shewed, that this was an Equiuocall speech of our Sauiour, whereby the hearers being deceiued, the truth of the speech may onely be defended by a reseruation in the minde of the speaker. The Reuiew.
It is sufficient for me to have showed, that this was an Equivocal speech of our Saviour, whereby the hearers being deceived, the truth of the speech may only be defended by a reservation in the mind of the speaker. The Reuiew.
15 In this there is another Uerball Equiuocation, in the word See, for some saw the day of Christs being in the world only by Reuelation, as Abraham, and the Patriarks; as Esay, and the Prophets;
15 In this there is Another Verbal Equivocation, in the word See, for Some saw the day of Christ being in the world only by Revelation, as Abraham, and the Patriarchs; as Isaiah, and the prophets;
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16 Who now seeth not M. Parsons his fraud, who calleth that a reserued sence, which was (that I may so say) a sence conserued in the outward words themselues,
16 Who now sees not M. Parsons his fraud, who calls that a reserved sense, which was (that I may so say) a sense conserved in the outward words themselves,
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For what phrase in the old Testament is more familiar and notorious, then to call that Seeing, which is perceiued onely spiritually? for the which cause the Prophets were called Seers. And shall the misconceit of incredulous hearers make the sence of Christ to be mentally reserued? As for M. Parsons his maner of Reseruation, when a man shall say, I keepe no Priest in mine house, meaning;
For what phrase in the old Testament is more familiar and notorious, then to call that Seeing, which is perceived only spiritually? for the which cause the prophets were called Seers. And shall the misconceit of incredulous hearers make the sense of christ to be mentally reserved? As for M. Parsons his manner of Reservation, when a man shall say, I keep no Priest in mine house, meaning;
And finally in the next verse after this againe Christ vseth a greater Equiuocation than any before, saying vnto them, Amen, Amen, antequàm Abraham fieret, ego sum.
And finally in the next verse After this again christ uses a greater Equivocation than any before, saying unto them, Amen, Amen, antequàm Abraham fieret, ego sum.
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which S. Aug. vpon this place doth excellently note to be by the difference of the two words, Abraham fieret, & Ego sum, the one belonging to the creature, saith he, the other to the Creator.
which S. Aug. upon this place does excellently note to be by the difference of the two words, Abraham fieret, & Ego sum, the one belonging to the creature, Says he, the other to the Creator.
17 But doth any Author say, that in the word, Sum, as it is here vsed (that is) I am, there is any Equiuocation? for seeing that Christ (as Saint Aug. and Almost all other Authors haue noted ) did distinguish the Creature, (man) by fieret, was made, from the Creator, which was his God-head, by the word, Sum, I am, he did not inferre,
17 But does any Author say, that in the word, Sum, as it is Here used (that is) I am, there is any Equivocation? for seeing that christ (as Saint Aug. and Almost all other Authors have noted) did distinguish the Creature, (man) by fieret, was made, from the Creator, which was his Godhead, by the word, Sum, I am, he did not infer,
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which their owne Doctors haue also obserued, as Card. Tolet: Because that Exod. 3. (saith he) God said, Sum qui sum, that is, I am, that I am, the Iewes knew that Christ did not onely preferre himselfe before Abraham in respect of time,
which their own Doctors have also observed, as Card. Tolet: Because that Exod 3. (Says he) God said, Sum qui sum, that is, I am, that I am, the Iewes knew that christ did not only prefer himself before Abraham in respect of time,
Which is likewise the obseruation of Caietane, saying that because Christ did hereby manifest his Diuinitie, therefore it is added that They tooke vp stones to throw at him.
Which is likewise the observation of Cajetan, saying that Because christ did hereby manifest his Divinity, Therefore it is added that They took up stones to throw At him.
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We see by this time the manifold ridiculous absurdities, which M. Parsons hath inforced in this fond Appendix, whereof notwithstanding he doth not a little boast, as we shall see. M. PARSONS his Appendix.
We see by this time the manifold ridiculous absurdities, which M. Parsons hath enforced in this found Appendix, whereof notwithstanding he does not a little boast, as we shall see. M. PARSONS his Appendix.
And if we lay all these Equiuocall speeches together which are 8. or 9. at least contained within a peece of one only Chapter of our Sauiours talke with the Iewes, Scribes,
And if we lay all these Equivocal Speeches together which Are 8. or 9. At least contained within a piece of one only Chapter of our Saviour's talk with the Iewes, Scribes,
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His tearmes also of heathenish, hellish, heinous, and impious Equiuocation, with other infamations of his brother Minister King, may appeare what substantiall ground thay haue.
His terms also of Heathenish, hellish, heinous, and impious Equivocation, with other infamations of his brother Minister King, may appear what substantial ground they have.
18 If all the speeches, which M. Parsons inforceth for Instances to patterne and to iustifie his fashion of Equiuocating, may be called Mentall Reseruations, then may we grant that not onely eight,
18 If all the Speeches, which M. Parsons enforceth for Instances to pattern and to justify his fashion of Equivocating, may be called Mental Reservations, then may we grant that not only eight,
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but euen all the sentences, yea and almost euery word of this, & all other Chapters may be proued to be Mentally Equiuocall. And for demostration sake (because I wil not profane the sacred Scripture with such idle crotchetting) I thinke good to descant a little but vpon any one sentence, which M. Parsons can vtter,
but even all the sentences, yea and almost every word of this, & all other Chapters may be proved to be Mentally Equivocal. And for demonstration sake (Because I will not profane the sacred Scripture with such idle crotcheting) I think good to descant a little but upon any one sentence, which M. Parsons can utter,
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What can be more plainely spoken then the sentence aforesaid, and yet how many meanings suppressed, which may not therfore be called Mentall Reseruations, otherwise M. Parsons might as well infer that he neuer promised any lawful thing vnto any man neuer tooke an oath by any lawfull authority of man, without some Mentall reseruation, the vse whereof he himselfe hath iudged in all such cases to be detestable.
What can be more plainly spoken then the sentence aforesaid, and yet how many meanings suppressed, which may not Therefore be called Mental Reservations, otherwise M. Parsons might as well infer that he never promised any lawful thing unto any man never took an oath by any lawful Authority of man, without Some Mental reservation, the use whereof he himself hath judged in all such cases to be detestable.
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An Answer vnto some other places of Scripture, wherein M. PARSONS hath insisted in his booke of Mitigation, for the defence of his Mentall Equiuocation.
an Answer unto Some other places of Scripture, wherein M. PARSONS hath insisted in his book of Mitigation, for the defence of his Mental Equivocation.
19 I doubt how my Reader might censure me, if after the Confutation of M. Parsons his former Instances out of Scripture, I should inquire into his other booke of Mitigation, to seeke al other examples, to prosecure them, because this would breed tediousnesse:
19 I doubt how my Reader might censure me, if After the Confutation of M. Parsons his former Instances out of Scripture, I should inquire into his other book of Mitigation, to seek all other Examples, to prosecure them, Because this would breed tediousness:
for that it had beene false both in respect of that his father Zacharias had prophecied of him in his Natiuity, calling him the Prophet of the highest, Luck. 1. as also in respect of Christs testimony, who Matth. 11. called him more than a Prophet, &c. Heere then you see a Proposition vttered by the Ghost, that of it selfe is ambiguous,
for that it had been false both in respect of that his father Zacharias had prophesied of him in his Nativity, calling him the Prophet of the highest, Luck. 1. as also in respect of Christ testimony, who Matthew 11. called him more than a Prophet, etc. Here then you see a Proposition uttered by the Ghost, that of it self is ambiguous,
and of a doubtfull sense, and according to the ordinary sound and sense of the words vttered, seemethfalse, no lesse then our Preposition, I am no Priest. For as this may be refusted by them that know me to be a Pricst,
and of a doubtful sense, and according to the ordinary found and sense of the words uttered, seemethfalse, no less then our Preposition, I am no Priest. For as this may be refusted by them that know me to be a Pricst,
the first was, whether he were that singular Prophet, which they fancied should come together with Christ, and he answered, I am not, which was true according to that their sense.
the First was, whither he were that singular Prophet, which they fancied should come together with christ, and he answered, I am not, which was true according to that their sense.
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Secondly, some thought that the Iewes meant by their demand to know, whether he were any one of the ancient Prophets, who were long before Christ? And he answered, satisfying them truely according to that their sense, saying, I am not: Thirdly some taught that the Iewes by their Interrogatory thought to know, whether he were any Prophet at all by his proper Osfice? Now Iohn albeit he was a Prophet by Grace and power,
Secondly, Some Thought that the Iewes meant by their demand to know, whither he were any one of the ancient prophets, who were long before christ? And he answered, satisfying them truly according to that their sense, saying, I am not: Thirdly Some taught that the Iewes by their Interrogatory Thought to know, whither he were any Prophet At all by his proper Osfice? Now John albeit he was a Prophet by Grace and power,
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and applying his Answere to this sence, said, I am not, and that truely, because Iohn did not Prophecis: and thus the answer agreed to that their sence.
and applying his Answer to this sense, said, I am not, and that truly, Because John did not Prophecies: and thus the answer agreed to that their sense.
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Obserue, (good Reader against M. Parsons his Obseruation) that the Answer of S. Iohn, who is the speaker, doth accord (by the iudgement of all Authors) vnto the supposed seuerall vnderstandings of the Iewes,
Observe, (good Reader against M. Parsons his Observation) that the Answer of S. John, who is the speaker, does accord (by the judgement of all Authors) unto the supposed several understandings of the Iewes,
Contrariwise Romish Priest being demanded by a Magistrate, whether he be a Priest, returneth this Answere, [ I am not a Priest, ] onely with this reserued sence, With purpose to tell it vnto you;
Contrariwise Romish Priest being demanded by a Magistrate, whither he be a Priest, returns this Answer, [ I am not a Priest, ] only with this reserved sense, With purpose to tell it unto you;
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which deth flatly thwart the intention of the Magistrate, and Questionist M. Parsons is like to make a lucklesse end, who is so vnfortunate in this beginning.
which death flatly thwart the intention of the Magistrate, and Questionist M. Parsons is like to make a luckless end, who is so unfortunate in this beginning.
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Our Sauiour Christ comming to rayse the Arch-Synagogue his daughter, found the people in tumult, weeping and lamenting for the death, whom he repressed, saying, Recedite, non est enim mortua puella, sed dormit;
Our Saviour christ coming to raise the Arch-Synagogue his daughter, found the people in tumult, weeping and lamenting for the death, whom he repressed, saying, Recedite, non est enim Mortua puella, sed dormit;
nor in the sense of the hearers, no more than in our proposition, I am no priest. The ment all Reseruation in our Sauiour, according to S. Augustines explication and other expositions, was that albeit she was dead in their sight, and vnto hamane power:
nor in the sense of the hearers, no more than in our proposition, I am no priest. The meant all Reservation in our Saviour, according to S. Augustine's explication and other expositions, was that albeit she was dead in their sighed, and unto hamane power:
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21 Christ wrought many among them, wherein he did demonstrate his Diuine power, as among others, in curing the woman which had a Bloody issue, whom he healed euen in the way as he came to the house of this Archisinagogue. In respect of which his diuine power,
21 christ wrought many among them, wherein he did demonstrate his Divine power, as among Others, in curing the woman which had a Bloody issue, whom he healed even in the Way as he Come to the house of this Archisinagogue. In respect of which his divine power,
To this purpose their Card. Tolet commenting vpon this Scripture, alleadgeth those places out of the old Testament, where they who dyed are said to haue Sleept with their Fathers: And out of the new, 1. Cor. 11. Many fella a sleepe, from the which Metaphor and truth (saith he) the Apostle doth gather an argument of consolation vnto all Christians, teach them not to mourne as men without hope, ignorant of the resurrection 1. Thess. 4. In regard of which his Omnipotent power, whereby this woman was now speedily to be raised, He doth comfort those who now wept,
To this purpose their Card. Tolet commenting upon this Scripture, allegeth those places out of the old Testament, where they who died Are said to have Slept with their Father's: And out of the new, 1. Cor. 11. Many fella a sleep, from the which Metaphor and truth (Says he) the Apostle does gather an argument of consolation unto all Christians, teach them not to mourn as men without hope, ignorant of the resurrection 1. Thess 4. In regard of which his Omnipotent power, whereby this woman was now speedily to be raised, He does Comfort those who now wept,
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But here they, who did deride Christ as though he had vtterly denied that the maid was dead (because they were destitute of the light of faith,) did measure Christs power by their owne.
But Here they, who did deride christ as though he had utterly denied that the maid was dead (Because they were destitute of the Light of faith,) did measure Christ power by their own.
So he Now then the Metaphor of calling Death a Sleepe, being so familiar vnto all the Religious of those daies, the diuine power of Christ being by many miracles made so famous and manifest among them:
So he Now then the Metaphor of calling Death a Sleep, being so familiar unto all the Religious of those days, the divine power of christ being by many Miracles made so famous and manifest among them:
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we may iudge (seeing that the raising of a dead woman to life was no more difficultie then the awaking her out of a sleepe, which he intended presently to do) that both his denying her to be Dead, and his affirming that she was but a Sleepe were but Verbal amphibologies, which all they might haue vnderstood, who were not Scornefull and incredilous contements of his sayings.
we may judge (seeing that the raising of a dead woman to life was no more difficulty then the awaking her out of a sleep, which he intended presently to do) that both his denying her to be Dead, and his affirming that she was but a Sleep were but Verbal amphibologies, which all they might have understood, who were not Scornful and incredilous contements of his sayings.
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I am no Priest, meaning, as ordained to kill a Calfe, or such like, is so farre beyond the horizen and sight of any mans capacitie, that he may sooner claspe hold of the man in the moone,
I am no Priest, meaning, as ordained to kill a Calf, or such like, is so Far beyond the horizen and sighed of any men capacity, that he may sooner clasp hold of the man in the moon,
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By which words of S. Paul it is made manifest, that the former words of Christ cannot absoluted be true, without some Ment all Rescruation or restriction his vnderstanding, for that not all that eat and drinke,
By which words of S. Paul it is made manifest, that the former words of christ cannot absoluted be true, without Some Meant all Rescruation or restriction his understanding, for that not all that eat and drink,
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22 If we had no other scantling of M. Parsons his iudgement, then this, we may guesse what was his indiligence in the Study of Diuinity, seeing he could be ignorant of that, which is a most generall Canon and Rule alwaies to be obserued in Scripture,
22 If we had no other scantling of M. Parsons his judgement, then this, we may guess what was his indiligence in the Study of Divinity, seeing he could be ignorant of that, which is a most general Canon and Rule always to be observed in Scripture,
and so are we to interpret that of S. Mark, He that beleeueth, and is baptized, shall be saued; (viz. so far as belongeth vnto the nature and faith of Baptisme.) And againe that of Ioh. 6. He that eateth my flesh hath life euerlasting,
and so Are we to interpret that of S. Mark, He that Believeth, and is baptised, shall be saved; (viz. so Far as belongeth unto the nature and faith of Baptism.) And again that of John 6. He that Eateth my Flesh hath life everlasting,
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it be not in that place, yet is it expressed else-where, as Ioel 2. where it is said, whosoeuer shall call vpon the name of the Lord shall be saued, wherein there is vnderstood, that the praier be made with a liuely faith,
it be not in that place, yet is it expressed elsewhere, as Joel 2. where it is said, whosoever shall call upon the name of the Lord shall be saved, wherein there is understood, that the prayer be made with a lively faith,
Was there euer any man so simple, as not to know that in all Acts which are prescribed of God this Dignè, that is, the necessary maner of doing it according to Gods ordinance is vnderstood,
Was there ever any man so simple, as not to know that in all Acts which Are prescribed of God this Dignè, that is, the necessary manner of doing it according to God's Ordinance is understood,
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because the necessary condition of euery good Act doth ordinarily conueigh vnto euery hearer this vnderstanding, that it must be done dignè worthily, or duely; for that bonanon sunt bona, nist benè agantur, that is, There is no good action, which is not well or worthily done:
Because the necessary condition of every good Act does ordinarily convey unto every hearer this understanding, that it must be done dignè worthily, or duly; for that bonanon sunt Bona, nist benè agantur, that is, There is no good actium, which is not well or worthily done:
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and therefore the word, worthily, or duely, being so naturally, commonly, and necessarily implied in such speeches, it euidently euinceth, that this maketh nothing for M. Parsons his maner of Reseruation, which is so intricate a fox-hole,
and Therefore the word, worthily, or duly, being so naturally, commonly, and necessarily implied in such Speeches, it evidently evinceth, that this makes nothing for M. Parsons his manner of Reservation, which is so intricate a foxhole,
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For this speech, [ To kisse the Popes foote, is a ceremony befitting the honour of his person, ] euery Romanist will thinke to be an Assertion true and plaine enough, without any word, Worthily; albeit to kisse the Popes foote currishly,
For this speech, [ To kiss the Popes foot, is a ceremony befitting the honour of his person, ] every Romanist will think to be an Assertion true and plain enough, without any word, Worthily; albeit to kiss the Popes foot currishly,
24 In like maner might I descant vpon his Asking and receiuing because in Matth. 7. Aske and you shall haue, the condition whereof is expounded by S. lames, viz. so that we aske not Amisse. Which condition (and the same may be answered concerning others) is so necessarily vnderstood by euery hearer, that though it be not expressed in outward words,
24 In like manner might I descant upon his Asking and receiving Because in Matthew 7. Ask and you shall have, the condition whereof is expounded by S. lames, viz. so that we ask not Amiss. Which condition (and the same may be answered Concerning Others) is so necessarily understood by every hearer, that though it be not expressed in outward words,
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would that Father vse the forme of blessing towards these fondlings, and not first correct them for their rude and vntoward behauiours? or would M. Parsons excuse them,
would that Father use the Form of blessing towards these foundlings, and not First correct them for their rude and untoward behaviours? or would M. Parsons excuse them,
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and decently, as it becommeth children? would he call these kinde of conditions Reseruations, because they were not literally deliuered in words, which are as it were, ingrafted in the common sence of euery man,
and decently, as it becomes children? would he call these kind of conditions Reservations, Because they were not literally Delivered in words, which Are as it were, ingrafted in the Common sense of every man,
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except they be as ignorant as Infants, or Idiots? whereas the Reseruation we dispute against, is (as M. Parsons saith) what a man list to frame to himselfe;
except they be as ignorant as Infants, or Idiots? whereas the Reservation we dispute against, is (as M. Parsons Says) what a man list to frame to himself;
as to say, I am no Priest, meaning, Whose name is Tom Tyler, or Watt Miller, or so foorth in infinitum The last Instance out of Esay 38. M. PARSONS his Mitigation.
as to say, I am no Priest, meaning, Whose name is Tom Tyler, or Watt Miller, or so forth in infinitum The last Instance out of Isaiah 38. M. PARSONS his Mitigation.
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If therefore the Prophet had beene demanded, Shall not Ezechias liue any longer? and he had answered, No, vpon what had fallen the negatiue No? if onely vpon wordes vttered, it had beene false,
If Therefore the Prophet had been demanded, Shall not Hezekiah live any longer? and he had answered, No, upon what had fallen the negative No? if only upon words uttered, it had been false,
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There remaine but fortie daies, before Niniue shall be destroyed, and so infinite other places. Wherefore in this Tho. Morton was greatly ouer seene, in making of a confident Challenge,
There remain but fortie days, before Nineveh shall be destroyed, and so infinite other places. Wherefore in this Tho. Mortonum was greatly over seen, in making of a confident Challenge,
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25 I rather thinke the Reader hath beene already wearied with multiplicities of such idle and fond Instances, which proue nothing lesse then the point in question, as hath hitherto appeared;
25 I rather think the Reader hath been already wearied with multiplicities of such idle and found Instances, which prove nothing less then the point in question, as hath hitherto appeared;
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It is an ordinary Rule in Diuinitie, acknowledged by their Iesuit Ribera, that The threatnings, which God vseth, doe containe in them a secret condition, Except they repent. Whereof Saint Chrysost. speaketh thus:
It is an ordinary Rule in Divinity, acknowledged by their Iesuit Ribera, that The threatenings, which God uses, do contain in them a secret condition, Except they Repent. Whereof Saint Chrysostom speaks thus:
for that God doth preserue his common-law, which he hath made, to wit, If a Nation shall repent of her sinne, I will also repent of the euill, which I thought to bring vpon it.
for that God does preserve his common-law, which he hath made, to wit, If a nation shall Repent of her sin, I will also Repent of the evil, which I Thought to bring upon it.
Still we see that the errour, which hath blind-foulded M. Parsons, is, that he doth not distinguish the Sensum consignatum, à sensu reseruato, that is; sence implyed in the very speech it selfe, by reason of the common and ordinary vse thereof, from the reserued sence, which is such as neither the common acception of words doe conueigh,
Still we see that the error, which hath blindfolded M. Parsons, is, that he does not distinguish the Sensum consignatum, à sensu reseruato, that is; sense employed in the very speech it self, by reason of the Common and ordinary use thereof, from the reserved sense, which is such as neither the Common acception of words do convey,
& was dismissed of the Pope in these words, [ Dic dilecto filio nostro salutem ] that is, [ Commend me vnto my beloued sonne your Master ] he fourthwith (doubting least the Pope had called his Master a bastard) answered all in a sume, My Master (quoth he) is no Priests sonne.
& was dismissed of the Pope in these words, [ Die Dilecto filio nostro salutem ] that is, [ Commend me unto my Beloved son your Master ] he forthwith (doubting least the Pope had called his Master a bastard) answered all in a fume, My Master (quoth he) is no Priests son.
as in their other Priestly Equiuocating is vsually practized, as to say, I am no Priest, (reseruing in minde) as willing to indanger my selfe, by confessing that I am a Priest.
as in their other Priestly Equivocating is usually practised, as to say, I am no Priest, (reserving in mind) as willing to endanger my self, by confessing that I am a Priest.
and may be made more conspicuous and euident by this that followeth of a Mother, who chid & rated her daughter for her rude and rurell cariage towards her affienced louer, especially for not thanking him,
and may be made more conspicuous and evident by this that follows of a Mother, who Child & rated her daughter for her rude and rurell carriage towards her affienced lover, especially for not thanking him,
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and therefore her mother, for her better preparation and direction how to behaue herselfe more orderly at their next meeting, spake thus vnto her daughter;
and Therefore her mother, for her better preparation and direction how to behave herself more orderly At their next meeting, spoke thus unto her daughter;
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the daughter, silly body, not discerning the true distinction of the points of that speech, did vpon the next occasion of his drinking vnto her, answer, I pledge you, thou great foole.
the daughter, silly body, not discerning the true distinction of the points of that speech, did upon the next occasion of his drinking unto her, answer, I pledge you, thou great fool.
Such like absurd & foolish examples I am, beyond my inclinatiō, forced to produce, that thereby I might better display the folly and absurdity of M. Parsons his defence of Mentall Reseruation, which he oftentimes foundeth vpon the rotten post of the Iewes infatuation,
Such like absurd & foolish Examples I am, beyond my inclination, forced to produce, that thereby I might better display the folly and absurdity of M. Parsons his defence of Mental Reservation, which he oftentimes foundeth upon the rotten post of the Iewes infatuation,
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28 Besides these foresaid obiections, M. Parsons in his 9. chap. calleth and challengeth me to make a better Answer concerning an other saying of Christ, wherein he doth triumph intolerably.
28 Beside these foresaid objections, M. Parsons in his 9. chap. calls and Challengeth me to make a better Answer Concerning an other saying of christ, wherein he does triumph intolerably.
I will not goe to the seast, my time is not yet come, Iohn 7. Vers. 8. 29 MVch adoe haue we had about this text, as well concerning the Reading, as touching the Sence thereof.
I will not go to the seast, my time is not yet come, John 7. Vers. 8. 29 Much ado have we had about this text, as well Concerning the Reading, as touching the Sense thereof.
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But what doth he accuse vs of, in effect? forsooth that we haue left the Greeke text, which hath NONLATINALPHABET nondùm, not yet, and doe follow your vulgar Latine, which hath onely NONLATINALPHABET that is, non not, the difference of which word maketh a maine dinersitie in the matter,
But what does he accuse us of, in Effect? forsooth that we have left the Greek text, which hath nondùm, not yet, and do follow your Vulgar Latin, which hath only that is, non not, the difference of which word makes a main dinersitie in the matter,
for that Christ said plainly that he would not goe vp then, and so his going vp afterward had beene no contradiction any way to his former speech of not going vp,
for that christ said plainly that he would not go up then, and so his going up afterwards had been no contradiction any Way to his former speech of not going up,
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but on the other side, if the matter were so plaine, by reading nondùm in the Greeke why doe the Fathers labour so much to finde out the secret meaning and reserued sence of our Sauiour in this sentence,
but on the other side, if the matter were so plain, by reading nondùm in the Greek why do the Father's labour so much to find out the secret meaning and reserved sense of our Saviour in this sentence,
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for albeit it haue non, and not nondùm, yet doth it expresly, signifie in the margent, that diuerse Manuscripts haue nondùm, and so doth set it downe for Varia lectio, yea the Rhemes English Testament it selfe doth expresse that translation also in the margent, I will not goe vp yet. The reuiew.
for albeit it have non, and not nondùm, yet does it expressly, signify in the margin, that diverse Manuscripts have nondùm, and so does Set it down for Varia Lectio, yea the Rheims English Testament it self does express that Translation also in the margin, I will not go up yet. The review.
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First, their Jesuit Maldonate, Almost enumerable Greeke bookes (saith he) reade NONLATINALPHABET (not yet) NONLATINALPHABET but especially the Vaticane Bible, the most ancient and famous of all in the world,
First, their Jesuit Maldonate, Almost enumerable Greek books (Says he) read (not yet) but especially the Vatican bible, the most ancient and famous of all in the world,
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and so am I perswaded that it is red of Theophylact. And NONLATINALPHABET which is the reading of Chrysostome (saith their Card. Tolet) is most legitimate.
and so am I persuaded that it is read of Theophylact And which is the reading of Chrysostom (Says their Card. Tolet) is most legitimate.
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your Latine text (say you) doth sufficiently betoken the same sence of the Greeke (not yet) and so doe two of the principall Doctors of your Church, Tolet and Iansenius paraphrase. And is it so? how then are we so blinded with the loue of our Thais, as rather to snatch at any meaning,
your Latin text (say you) does sufficiently betoken the same sense of the Greek (not yet) and so do two of the principal Doctors of your Church, Tolet and Jansenius Paraphrase. And is it so? how then Are we so blinded with the love of our Thais, as rather to snatch At any meaning,
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but this obiection of Contradiction is so vaine, that it may be blowne away with one breath: for in the Greeke text there is a double Nondùm, the first is, I will [ not yet ] goe vppo, viz. to the feast;
but this objection of Contradiction is so vain, that it may be blown away with one breath: for in the Greek text there is a double Nondùm, the First is, I will [ not yet ] go upon, viz. to the feast;
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and reserued sence of our Sauiour in this sentence, and seeming contradiction of his? For S. August. and S. Bede after much search, doe thinke his meaning to haue beene, that he would not ascend to that feast with an humaine spirit, to procure any wordly honour, &c. Strabus, and other Expositors doe interpret that he would not goe vp to exhibit his Passion, Eucherius, that he would not ascend on the first day of the feast.
and reserved sense of our Saviour in this sentence, and seeming contradiction of his? For S. August. and S. Bede After much search, do think his meaning to have been, that he would not ascend to that feast with an human Spirit, to procure any wordly honour, etc. Strabo, and other Expositors do interpret that he would not go up to exhibit his Passion, Eucherius, that he would not ascend on the First day of the feast.
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Wherefore seeing these and other Fathers doe labour so much to finde out the meaning of Christ in this sentence, it is not like that the matter was so cleare as T. M. would make it, by the clause Nondùm. For if that word had beene in all Greeke bookes,
Wherefore seeing these and other Father's do labour so much to find out the meaning of christ in this sentence, it is not like that the matter was so clear as T. M. would make it, by the clause Nondùm. For if that word had been in all Greek books,
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32 How many, how âncient, and how famous Copies, in stead of, I will not goe vp to the feact, haue, I will not yet goe vp to the feast, (whereby the whole doubt is throughly dissolued?) yea and how true that reading is we haue receiued from the Confessions of their owne Doctors.
32 How many, how âncient, and how famous Copies, in stead of, I will not go up to the feact, have, I will not yet go up to the feast, (whereby the Whole doubt is thoroughly dissolved?) yea and how true that reading is we have received from the Confessions of their own Doctors.
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Why some Fathers (and why not then much more Porphyrius, whom M. Parsons obiecteth?) wereignorant of such Coppies, what better reason neede be giuen than that it so chaunced that they had them not?
Why Some Father's (and why not then much more Porphyrius, whom M. Parsons Objecteth?) wereignorant of such Copies, what better reason need be given than that it so chanced that they had them not?
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33 But we are in the second place to inquire, (supposing the Greeke word NONLATINALPHABET (which in Latine is Nondùm, and in English not yet, were not in the sentence) whether the same sence may be easily gathered out of the Text, or not:
33 But we Are in the second place to inquire, (supposing the Greek word (which in Latin is Nondùm, and in English not yet, were not in the sentence) whither the same sense may be Easily gathered out of the Text, or not:
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at that time, then is there no Seeming contradiction in that sentence, and consequently no colour or shadow of any Mentall Reseruation. To this purpose I produced the iudgement of Tolet, their late Cardinall,
At that time, then is there no Seeming contradiction in that sentence, and consequently no colour or shadow of any Mental Reservation. To this purpose I produced the judgement of Tolet, their late Cardinal,
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And accordingly their Bishop Iansenius The word Not, which is in the Latine, signifieth plainely Not yet, which sence (saith he) is sufficiently shew'n by the words following, vz.
And accordingly their Bishop Jansenius The word Not, which is in the Latin, signifies plainly Not yet, which sense (Says he) is sufficiently shown by the words following, Vz.
and consequently here is no footing for his Reseruation. In the third place we are to satisfie for the different opinion of some Fathers. M. PARSONS his Obiection.
and consequently Here is no footing for his Reservation. In the third place we Are to satisfy for the different opinion of Some Father's. M. PARSONS his Objection.
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To shew one point of manhood in this his flight, he taketh vpon him to answer one of these six Arguments alleadged against him, which is the fourth, concerning the ancient Fathers that laboured to secke out Christs reserued meaning.
To show one point of manhood in this his flight, he Takes upon him to answer one of these six Arguments alleged against him, which is the fourth, Concerning the ancient Father's that laboured to secke out Christ reserved meaning.
which proposition if he were put to proue in the presence of learned men, I doubt not but that he would quickly be in a poore and pitifull plight. The Reuiew.
which proposition if he were put to prove in the presence of learned men, I doubt not but that he would quickly be in a poor and pitiful plighted. The Reuiew.
34 That which I said was onely concerning the sence of this place of Scripture, whereof I affirmed that the Fathers thought their expositions, whatsoeuer it was which they iudged to be true) to be as well knowne vnto these disciples of Christ, as to themselues:
34 That which I said was only Concerning the sense of this place of Scripture, whereof I affirmed that the Father's Thought their expositions, whatsoever it was which they judged to be true) to be as well known unto these Disciples of christ, as to themselves:
and to cast me into a pit of his owne making, none (I confesse) neede to doubt but my plight must be pittifull: but if my Reader shall consider that he hath cut of the Reason which I then produced, to proue that the Brethren there mentioned did know that it was the meaning of Christ not to deny absolutely but that he intended to goe vp to the feast, viz. Because otherwise they should haue beene scandalized and offended,
and to cast me into a pit of his own making, none (I confess) need to doubt but my plighted must be pitiful: but if my Reader shall Consider that he hath Cut of the Reason which I then produced, to prove that the Brothers there mentioned did know that it was the meaning of christ not to deny absolutely but that he intended to go up to the feast, viz. Because otherwise they should have been scandalized and offended,
and in force, (as their Iansenius affirmed, whereunto their Tolit doth expresly accord) then may he easily discerne that M. Parsons was herein more spitefull then I was pittifull; But we proceede vnto the chiefe obseruation. M. PARSONS his Mitigation.
and in force, (as their Jansenius affirmed, whereunto their Tolit does expressly accord) then may he Easily discern that M. Parsons was herein more spiteful then I was pitiful; But we proceed unto the chief observation. M. PARSONS his Mitigation.
which if he haue wisely and truly satisfied, then shall I ingeiously confesse, that my whole exception against M. Parsons his Mentall Equiuocation is, indeede, no better then meere foolery. But the truth is, that my exception against his Art of Equiuocating is not because the Mentall Reseruation, which he teacheth, is not vnderstood of some hearers, but because it is so couched, that it cannot be possibly vnderstood of any hearer:
which if he have wisely and truly satisfied, then shall I ingeiously confess, that my Whole exception against M. Parsons his Mental Equivocation is, indeed, no better then mere foolery. But the truth is, that my exception against his Art of Equivocating is not Because the Mental Reservation, which he Teaches, is not understood of Some hearers, but Because it is so couched, that it cannot be possibly understood of any hearer:
for The Clause of Reseruation (saith M. Parsons) may be what a man list to say to himselfe, Now their Priest, who listeth not be apprehended, will list to frame to himselfe such a crotchetiue conceit, which shall goe as inuisible as an Angell of darkenes, by whom it is hatched:
for The Clause of Reservation (Says M. Parsons) may be what a man list to say to himself, Now their Priest, who lists not be apprehended, will list to frame to himself such a crotchetiue conceit, which shall go as invisible as an Angel of darkness, by whom it is hatched:
or, I am no Priest, (meaning,) that can tell fortunes: or, I am not a Priest, (meaning,) whose name is Cutbert: or, I am not a Priest, (meaning,) for ought that you shall know.
or, I am no Priest, (meaning,) that can tell fortune's: or, I am not a Priest, (meaning,) whose name is Cuthbert: or, I am not a Priest, (meaning,) for ought that you shall know.
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Thus then seeing that the reserued Clause may be according to M. Parsons doctrine, whatsoeuer a man list to fancie, so that it agree with his minde, allthough it be not implyed in the outward words, it is as infinitely variable,
Thus then seeing that the reserved Clause may be according to M. Parsons Doctrine, whatsoever a man list to fancy, so that it agree with his mind, although it be not employed in the outward words, it is as infinitely variable,
36 Knowing therefore that the Equiuocations, which haue beene obiected by M. Parsons out of Scriptures, are not properly Mentall, but Verball, because the meanings which he calleth Reseruations, were implied in the words of those sentences, and in the circumstances thereof;
36 Knowing Therefore that the Equivocations, which have been objected by M. Parsons out of Scriptures, Are not properly Mental, but Verbal, Because the meanings which he calls Reservations, were implied in the words of those sentences, and in the Circumstances thereof;
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but the reseruation, which M. Parsons professeth and we condemne, is an onely mentall reseruation, which hath no more affinitie in sence with the outward words, than this;
but the reservation, which M. Parsons Professes and we condemn, is an only mental reservation, which hath no more affinity in sense with the outward words, than this;
so that he that from the hearing of the first part, which was the outward speech, could haue but coniectured at that referued meaning of a Goose, might passe for a Magnus Apollo I shall referre this first point, concerning the palpabilitie of Romish reseruation vnto the wisedome & iudgement of our Reader, to award the note of foolery vnto whether of vs it shall seeme, in his discretion, more iustly to appertaine The second thing, which I promised to shew, is the impietie of the same doctrine. CHAP. XI.
so that he that from the hearing of the First part, which was the outward speech, could have but conjectured At that referued meaning of a Goose, might pass for a Magnus Apollo I shall refer this First point, Concerning the palpability of Romish reservation unto the Wisdom & judgement of our Reader, to award the note of foolery unto whither of us it shall seem, in his discretion, more justly to appertain The second thing, which I promised to show, is the impiety of the same Doctrine. CHAP. XI.
IN the former Sections hath beene vnfolded the grosse absurdities of M. Parsons his proofes (which he presumed to collect out of Scripture) in so copious and perspicuous a maner,
IN the former Sectis hath been unfolded the gross absurdities of M. Parsons his proofs (which he presumed to collect out of Scripture) in so copious and perspicuous a manner,
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1 Their Card. Tolet doth acknowledge the general Rule of interpreting such speeches, to wit, of Interpreting such generall propositions of Scripture, by restraining them vnto the circumstances of things, whereof they are spoken,
1 Their Card. Tolet does acknowledge the general Rule of interpreting such Speeches, to wit, of Interpreting such general propositions of Scripture, by restraining them unto the Circumstances of things, whereof they Are spoken,
But the Priestly Reseruation is without all compasse of due circumstance, being (as M. Parsons saith) whatsoeuer it pleaseth a man to fancie to himselfe, so that it agreeth with his minde.
But the Priestly Reservation is without all compass of due circumstance, being (as M. Parsons Says) whatsoever it Pleases a man to fancy to himself, so that it agreeth with his mind.
or, I am not a Priest (meaning secretly,) that wanteth a nose. If M. Parsons, or all the subtilists Equiuocators themselues should hunt by all circumstances that are, to find this reserseruation of a Nose, I suppose that they could neuer smell it out.
or, I am not a Priest (meaning secretly,) that Wants a nose. If M. Parsons, or all the subtilists Equivocators themselves should hunt by all Circumstances that Are, to find this reserseruation of a Nose, I suppose that they could never smell it out.
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3 We haue often heard what kinde of Mentall Equiuocation M. Parsons doth patronize, viz. Any mixt proposition partly deliuered with mouth, and partly conceiued in minde;
3 We have often herd what kind of Mental Equivocation M. Parsons does patronise, viz. Any mixed proposition partly Delivered with Mouth, and partly conceived in mind;
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5 After him approcheth their Iesuit Azorius, & whereas M. Parsons professeth such a Mentall Equiuocation, wherein the speech hath a double sence, not by the signification,
5 After him Approaches their Iesuit azorius, & whereas M. Parsons Professes such a Mental Equivocation, wherein the speech hath a double sense, not by the signification,
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And after iumping vpon the same example of Reseruation, which M. Parsons vsed and vrged for proofe of Mentall Equiuocation, to wit, When I am asked of one, who is no good pay-master,
And After jumping upon the same Exampl of Reservation, which M. Parsons used and urged for proof of Mental Equivocation, to wit, When I am asked of one, who is no good paymaster,
Therefore I omit him, and seeke after Sotus, who commeth on more resolutely to the point, calling this speech [ I know not (mixed with this restriction and Reseruation) To tell it you ] an arrant lye: And concerning Amphibologies vsed in words, which the outward words themselues will not beare, he concludeth them to be no-way excusable from lyes. Can there be a greater impietie,
Therefore I omit him, and seek After Sotus, who comes on more resolutely to the point, calling this speech [ I know not (mixed with this restriction and Reservation) To tell it you ] an arrant lie: And Concerning Amphibologies used in words, which the outward words themselves will not bear, he Concludeth them to be noway excusable from lies. Can there be a greater impiety,
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than to bring Christ his speeches for the authorizing and patronizing of such clauses of reseruation, which their owne approued Doctors and professors haue condemned for starke lyes? Secondly, by Fathers.
than to bring christ his Speeches for the authorizing and patronizing of such clauses of reservation, which their own approved Doctors and professors have condemned for stark lies? Secondly, by Father's.
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7 Among Christians I held S. Augustine most singular, (yet when I name him, limply also S. Gregorie, and Barnard, who follow him in his booke Contra Mendacium:) He supposing some old man To be dangerously sicke, who if he should but heare of the death of his Sonne, were like to ieopard his owne life;
7 Among Christians I held S. Augustine most singular, (yet when I name him, limply also S. Gregory, and Barnard, who follow him in his book Contra Mendacium:) He supposing Some old man To be dangerously sick, who if he should but hear of the death of his Son, were like to jeopard his own life;
From this determination of S. Augustine I made bold to collect, that if euer S. Augustine had thought Ment all Equiuocation (as namely to say this Your sonne is a liue, Reseruing in minde, for ought that you shall yet know) he would surely haue allowed of it in this Case, especially seeing that thereby he might both haue freed the old Father from dying,
From this determination of S. Augustine I made bold to collect, that if ever S. Augustine had Thought Meant all Equivocation (as namely to say this Your son is a live, Reserving in mind, for ought that you shall yet know) he would surely have allowed of it in this Case, especially seeing that thereby he might both have freed the old Father from dying,
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and consequently no right of vsing such euasion for iust defence, for so much as this is in common conuersation, from which we haue exempted before the vse of Equiuocations,
and consequently no right of using such evasion for just defence, for so much as this is in Common Conversation, from which we have exempted before the use of Equivocations,
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8 O noble Answerer he that taught the vse of Mentall Reseruation, in Case when a man Asketh whether his friend haue so much money (where there is onely a demand without compulsion,) for feare of getting his displeasure,
8 Oh noble Answerer he that taught the use of Mental Reservation, in Case when a man Asks whither his friend have so much money (where there is only a demand without compulsion,) for Fear of getting his displeasure,
would now seeme not to admit of the like euasion in the Case of a Seruant commaunded to answer directly concerning the death of his masters Sonne, where there is more then a doubt of shortning his masters life.
would now seem not to admit of the like evasion in the Case of a Servant commanded to answer directly Concerning the death of his Masters Son, where there is more then a doubt of shortening his Masters life.
Who seeth not that M. Parsons if he had returned a direct answer, doth now touch birdlime, wherein the more he struggleth, the more he is intangled, answering nothing to the purpose? For the question is not,
Who sees not that M. Parsons if he had returned a Direct answer, does now touch birdlime, wherein the more he struggleth, the more he is entangled, answering nothing to the purpose? For the question is not,
whose definition of a lye is this, Mendacium est falsum dicere, cùm volunt ate fallendi, that is, A lye is to speake a false thing with purpose to deceiue the hearer.
whose definition of a lie is this, Mendacium est falsum dicere, cùm volunt ate fallendi, that is, A lie is to speak a false thing with purpose to deceive the hearer.
I pretermit another memorable example, repeated by S. Aug. of the Bishop Firmius, which hath beene alleadged by their Sotus, for the confutation of the foresaid maner of Mentall Reseruation.
I pretermit Another memorable Exampl, repeated by S. Aug. of the Bishop Firmius, which hath been alleged by their Sotus, for the confutation of the foresaid manner of Mental Reservation.
9 In the last end of the booke of Full satisfact. I added to the like purpose an example deliuered by S. Hierome, which may be vnto vs a mirror of ancient simplicitie;
9 In the last end of the book of Full Satisfact. I added to the like purpose an Exampl Delivered by S. Jerome, which may be unto us a mirror of ancient simplicity;
but she lifting vp her eyes to heauen, said, thou Lord Iesu, who searcheth the hart andreines, art witnesse that I doe not deny truth for feare of death,
but she lifting up her eyes to heaven, said, thou Lord Iesu, who Searches the heart andreines, art witness that I do not deny truth for Fear of death,
The Iesuits, who haue instructed the adulterous wife, being asked of her husband, to free herselfe by a Mentall Equiuocation, would they not haue condemned this woman for want of wit,
The Iesuits, who have instructed the adulterous wife, being asked of her husband, to free herself by a Mental Equivocation, would they not have condemned this woman for want of wit,
& by S. Hieroms commendations of her, that those times were not practized in this kinde of Alchymie, which abstracteth such a Clause of Reseruation, as surpasseth the vnderstanding of any,
& by S. Hieroms commendations of her, that those times were not practised in this kind of Alchemy, which abstracteth such a Clause of Reservation, as Surpasses the understanding of any,
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but of him who onely is able to search immediately into the thoughts and vnderstandings of men? as when a man saith I haue no money, concealing this Clause in his minde, Which I meane to turne into buttons.
but of him who only is able to search immediately into the thoughts and understandings of men? as when a man Says I have no money, concealing this Clause in his mind, Which I mean to turn into buttons.
The example of this woman may seeme to be more forcible, because M. Parsons in his Treatise of Equiuocation, in answering some other points, buried this in his sober silence. Thirdly, by Heretikes.
The Exampl of this woman may seem to be more forcible, Because M. Parsons in his Treatise of Equivocation, in answering Some other points, buried this in his Sobrium silence. Thirdly, by Heretics.
10 We reade in S. Augustine of the heresie of the Priscillianites, who were herein (as he saith) worse then any other Heretikes, because they thought it lawfull for them to dissemble themselues to be Orthodoxe and true professors and to conceale their owne Religion by lying:
10 We read in S. Augustine of the heresy of the Priscillianites, who were herein (as he Says) Worse then any other Heretics, Because they Thought it lawful for them to dissemble themselves to be Orthodox and true professors and to conceal their own Religion by lying:
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Nec se alitèr arbitrantes ( saith S. Aug ) veracem suam ostendere falsitatem, nisi veritatem dicant mendacem, that is, They thought that they could not defend their falsitie,
Nec se alitèr arbitrantes (Says S. Aug) veracem suam ostendere falsitatem, nisi veritatem Speak mendacem, that is, They Thought that they could not defend their falsity,
as well Catholikes, as Heretikes, whether the Priscillianists would haue vsed lying, for the Couert of their hereticall religion, knowing that the Art of Equiuocating by a mixt proposition, called Mentall Reseruation, is as close and inuisible a conueiance for any thing that a man would hide,
as well Catholics, as Heretics, whither the Priscillianists would have used lying, for the Covert of their heretical Religion, knowing that the Art of Equivocating by a mixed proposition, called Mental Reservation, is as close and invisible a conveyance for any thing that a man would hide,
as the most diabolicall lye that man can inuent? As for example, by protesting vnto the hearers, saying, We beleeue no such doctrine, secretly conceining in their mindes, to letyou know of it: or, we beleeue as you doe, Reseruing this Clause in their minde, But that we doe not beleeue you.
as the most diabolical lie that man can invent? As for Exampl, by protesting unto the hearers, saying, We believe no such Doctrine, secretly conceining in their minds, to letyou know of it: or, we believe as you do, Reserving this Clause in their mind, But that we do not believe you.
yet, that they might discouer the Priscillianists, who for feare did secretly professe the heresie of Priscillian, and yet publikely renounced it, holding it lawfull in that case to lye;
yet, that they might discover the Priscillianists, who for Fear did secretly profess the heresy of Priscillian, and yet publicly renounced it, holding it lawful in that case to lie;
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to the which purpose they dislembled themselues to be Priscillianists. These erroneous ones are vehemently cōdemned by S. Augustine, as those who Did euill, that good might come thereof.
to the which purpose they dislembled themselves to be Priscillianists. These erroneous ones Are vehemently condemned by S. Augustine, as those who Did evil, that good might come thereof.
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The discouery of Heretikes he calleth good, but to doe it by lying, he tearmeth euill. They saw no other meanes to vnearth these Cubbes of that Heretike Priscillian, but only by dissembling, and lying;
The discovery of Heretics he calls good, but to do it by lying, he termeth evil. They saw no other means to unearth these Cubs of that Heretic Priscillian, but only by dissembling, and lying;
they would haue corrected S. Augustine, and directed those erroneous, and taught them (if the Case would suffer it) how to dissemble themselues to be Priscillianists without lying,
they would have corrected S. Augustine, and directed those erroneous, and taught them (if the Case would suffer it) how to dissemble themselves to be Priscillianists without lying,
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To say that we are Priscillianists, Reseruing in our minds, for ought that you shall know, or, We are Priscilianists, reseruiug in our mindes, Onely in pretence that we may betray you, or such like.
To say that we Are Priscillianists, Reserving in our minds, for ought that you shall know, or, We Are Priscillianists, reseruiug in our minds, Only in pretence that we may betray you, or such like.
although otherwise faithfull Christians, (who did by lying seeke to finde out lyars,) either were ignorant of this mysterie of Mentall Equiuocation, or els held it to be no better then plaine lying.
although otherwise faithful Christians, (who did by lying seek to find out liars,) either were ignorant of this mystery of Mental Equivocation, or Else held it to be no better then plain lying.
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12 What shall we say vnto the Arch-heretike Arius? he (as I then deliuered out of Socrates ) being compelled by the holy Emperor Constantine to deliuer his Subscription to the Councell of Nice,
12 What shall we say unto the Arch-heretic Arius? he (as I then Delivered out of Socrates) being compelled by the holy Emperor Constantine to deliver his Subscription to the Council of Nicaenae,
Here we may obseruethat this execrable Heretike vsed onely a Verball Equiuocation, which although it be not an absolute lye, (as hath beene shewen) yet could not the vse thereof, in dissembling the true faith, be but most sacrilegious and abhominable:
Here we may obseruethat this execrable Heretic used only a Verbal Equivocation, which although it be not an absolute lie, (as hath been shown) yet could not the use thereof, in dissembling the true faith, be but most sacrilegious and abominable:
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We are to marke, that the whole obscuritie was in the double sence of the word, Writing, for that he had written one tenor of Confession, which he propounded openly vnto the Councell;
We Are to mark, that the Whole obscurity was in the double sense of the word, Writing, for that he had written one tenor of Confessi, which he propounded openly unto the Council;
I would but therefore demande why this godlesse and perfidious Heretike should haue taken the paines in inuenting and writing a contrary forme of Subscription, and to keepe it about him, (which by a priuie search might haue been discouered) if it had been knowne in those daies that a Mentall Reseruation would haue serued the turne, to auoyde a lye;
I would but Therefore demand why this godless and perfidious Heretic should have taken the pains in inventing and writing a contrary Form of Subscription, and to keep it about him, (which by a privy search might have been discovered) if it had been known in those days that a Mental Reservation would have served the turn, to avoid a lie;
to haue said to the Councell, I beleeue that, which I haue there writen, (vnderstanding in his mind) That it is false. Here is the mixt proposition, which by M. Parsons learning must be as true now, being partly vttered, and partly reserued, as if it had beene wholy expressed in the outward words, which I haue proued to be an execrable lye, both by Reason,
to have said to the Council, I believe that, which I have there written, (understanding in his mind) That it is false. Here is the mixed proposition, which by M. Parsons learning must be as true now, being partly uttered, and partly reserved, as if it had been wholly expressed in the outward words, which I have proved to be an execrable lie, both by Reason,
and now euince the same from the practizes euen of these Heretikes, viz. the Priscillianists, and this Arius, they defending lying, for want of other meanes to hide his heresie, this other vsing onely the dangerous and discouerable Verball Equiuocation,
and now evince the same from the practises even of these Heretics, viz. the Priscillianists, and this Arius, they defending lying, for want of other means to hide his heresy, this other using only the dangerous and discoverable Verbal Equivocation,
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for feare of lying: And therefore (if I be not deceiued) doe both beare witnesse that the Iesuicall Art of Mentall Reseruation was either not knowne in those daies,
for Fear of lying: And Therefore (if I be not deceived) do both bear witness that the Iesuicall Art of Mental Reservation was either not known in those days,
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for number, infinite and, for naturall light, and learning excelling the children of light) that did expresly acknowledge any Truth in his mixt proposition, by a Mentall Reseruation, as for example, thus:
for number, infinite and, for natural Light, and learning excelling the children of Light) that did expressly acknowledge any Truth in his mixed proposition, by a Mental Reservation, as for Exampl, thus:
If one shall promise to his Keeper, that he will be true prisoner, not to run away, (meaning,) on his head: Seeing M. Parsons (I say) was extremely prouoked to alleadge but one testimonie out of the innumerable Authors that haue written either Ethicks, Logick,
If one shall promise to his Keeper, that he will be true prisoner, not to run away, (meaning,) on his head: Seeing M. Parsons (I say) was extremely provoked to allege but one testimony out of the innumerable Authors that have written either Ethics, Logic,
or Metaphysicks, who euer iustified this mungrell kinde of proposition, yet could he not instance in any one, excepting onely in Cicero, who notwithstanding speaketh onely of such a speech, which he himselfe calleth false, and is indeede as false, as is this promise, I will pay you money, meaning secretly, that I will not pay it, which the Romanists themselues will graunt to be a foule lye.
or Metaphysics, who ever justified this mongrel kind of proposition, yet could he not instance in any one, excepting only in Cicero, who notwithstanding speaks only of such a speech, which he himself calls false, and is indeed as false, as is this promise, I will pay you money, meaning secretly, that I will not pay it, which the Romanists themselves will grant to be a foul lie.
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In the last place we are to point at some accidentall impieties, which, by reason of some Cases, and Effects, doe incidentally follow thereupon. SECT. 2. A further euidence of the Impietie of the doctrine of Mentall Reseruation by the Cases, and some Effects, which incidentally follow vpon it. First of a few Cases. M. PARSONS his Appendix.
In the last place we Are to point At Some accidental impieties, which, by reason of Some Cases, and Effects, do incidentally follow thereupon. SECT. 2. A further evidence of the Impiety of the Doctrine of Mental Reservation by the Cases, and Some Effects, which incidentally follow upon it. First of a few Cases. M. PARSONS his Appendix.
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EXcept they will condemne our Sauiour himselfe of all these obiected impieties, they cannot condemne the maner of speech vsed by him, especially in so graue and weighty matters:
EXcept they will condemn our Saviour himself of all these objected impieties, they cannot condemn the manner of speech used by him, especially in so graven and weighty matters:
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and if they permit the same in him, then can they not condemne the same, in vs, who haue so good a warrant and president for the same, especially seeing we doe restraine our vse thereof with many limitations,
and if they permit the same in him, then can they not condemn the same, in us, who have so good a warrant and president for the same, especially seeing we do restrain our use thereof with many limitations,
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as in our Larger Treatise of that matter is set downe, to wit, that it may not be vsed in matters of Religion, where confession of our faith is required.
as in our Larger Treatise of that matter is Set down, to wit, that it may not be used in matters of Religion, where Confessi of our faith is required.
15 Often haue I distinguished betweene M. Parsons his Verball, and Mentall Equiuocation, the first is when the words themselues cary in them a double sence, according to the vse of speech;
15 Often have I distinguished between M. Parsons his Verbal, and Mental Equivocation, the First is when the words themselves carry in them a double sense, according to the use of speech;
as that saying of Christ (obiected by M. Parsons ) wherein he said vnto the Iewes, Dissolue you this Temple, speaking of his body, and I will raise it vp againe in three daies:
as that saying of christ (objected by M. Parsons) wherein he said unto the Iewes, Dissolve you this Temple, speaking of his body, and I will raise it up again in three days:
the ambiguity lieth in the double sence of these words, Dissolue this Temple, which might signifie either the ruinating of the materiall Temple, out of which Christ cast the money-changers,
the ambiguity lies in the double sense of these words, Dissolve this Temple, which might signify either the ruinating of the material Temple, out of which christ cast the money-changers,
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First because the phrase of calling a body a Temple, and of death a Dissolution, was familiar vnto the religious of those times, which therefore we find to be so ordinarily vsed in Scripture: insomuch that their Iusuit Maldonate saith that Christ, in saying, Dissolue this Temple, vsedwords which agreed better vnto an humaine body,
First Because the phrase of calling a body a Temple, and of death a Dissolution, was familiar unto the religious of those times, which Therefore we find to be so ordinarily used in Scripture: insomuch that their Jusuit Maldonate Says that christ, in saying, Dissolve this Temple, vsedwords which agreed better unto an human body,
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And they might haue vnderstood him, if they would, (saith their Cardinall Tolet) because when he said, This Temple, (and not the Temple of God) it is certaine that by the gesture of his hand he did demonstrate his owne body:
And they might have understood him, if they would, (Says their Cardinal Tolet) Because when he said, This Temple, (and not the Temple of God) it is certain that by the gesture of his hand he did demonstrate his own body:
For the which these (because of their peruerse sence) are called false witnesses. But the Mentall Equiuocation may haue such a sequestred and reserued a meaning,
For the which these (Because of their perverse sense) Are called false Witnesses. But the Mental Equivocation may have such a sequestered and reserved a meaning,
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This is that kinde of Mentall Reseruation and euasion which M. Parsons alloweth, concerning which he professeth that it may not be vsed in matters of faith, & yet pretendeth to euince it from Scripture, which is the Rule of our Faith; and from the speeches of Christ, the Author of our Faith; and sometimes in such sentences, which concerne Articles of Faith, as in that:
This is that kind of Mental Reservation and evasion which M. Parsons alloweth, Concerning which he Professes that it may not be used in matters of faith, & yet pretendeth to evince it from Scripture, which is the Rule of our Faith; and from the Speeches of christ, the Author of our Faith; and sometime in such sentences, which concern Articles of Faith, as in that:
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16 And here I appeale vnto the indifferencie of any iudicious Reader, to iudge, whether M. Parsons be not guiltie of the folly and impiety, which I had laid vnto his charge, by the force of this distinction, of a sence Implied in speeches,
16 And Here I appeal unto the indifferency of any judicious Reader, to judge, whither M. Parsons be not guilty of the folly and impiety, which I had laid unto his charge, by the force of this distinction, of a sense Implied in Speeches,
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17 If the Reseruation, which he defendeth, be not to be piously and lawfully vsed in matters of faith, then was it an impietie in him, to ground the truth of that doctrin vpō sentences of Scripture, which concerne the doctrine of faith. Secondly thus:
17 If the Reservation, which he defendeth, be not to be piously and lawfully used in matters of faith, then was it an impiety in him, to ground the truth of that Doctrine upon sentences of Scripture, which concern the Doctrine of faith. Secondly thus:
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18 If I should passe through all the Articles of our Creed, to search such kind of Reseruations, as M. Parsons did in the spceches of Christ, as namely thus,
18 If I should pass through all the Articles of our Creed, to search such kind of Reservations, as M. Parsons did in the spceches of christ, as namely thus,
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If all such sentences, which according to the custome and vse imply meanings, which are not expressed, do exemplifie and proue the Romish Mentall Equiuocation, then is there a Mentall Reseruation in euery Article of our Faith;
If all such sentences, which according to the custom and use imply meanings, which Are not expressed, do exemplify and prove the Romish Mental Equivocation, then is there a Mental Reservation in every Article of our Faith;
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But if these implied sences do differ from the Romish reserued sence, then was it both wicked & absurd, to seeke to draw that exorbitant and inapprehensible doctrine of Equiuocating, from such sentences of Scripture which are no more Equiuocall,
But if these implied Senses do differ from the Romish reserved sense, then was it both wicked & absurd, to seek to draw that exorbitant and inapprehensible Doctrine of Equivocating, from such sentences of Scripture which Are no more Equivocal,
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20 The second Case is in the examination concerning their Priesthood, where the Priest being asked, Whether he be a Priest, is licensed to answer, according to their daily practize, saying;
20 The second Case is in the examination Concerning their Priesthood, where the Priest being asked, Whither he be a Priest, is licensed to answer, according to their daily practice, saying;
Now then, knowing that they hold ordination of Priesthood to be a Sacrament, which impresseth in the soule an indelible Character, & which herein (as they say) excelleth al other Sacraments, in that it aduanceth a Priest a degree aboue all other Christians;
Now then, knowing that they hold ordination of Priesthood to be a Sacrament, which impresseth in the soul an indelible Character, & which herein (as they say) excels all other Sacraments, in that it Advanceth a Priest a degree above all other Christians;
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therefore may hee iudge it likewise a wickednes for a Priest to Equiuocate in denying his Priest-dome. Vnto which I expected an Answer of M. Parsons; but only expected it.
Therefore may he judge it likewise a wickedness for a Priest to Equivocate in denying his Priest-dome. Unto which I expected an Answer of M. Parsons; but only expected it.
or deuill the lye, because still they may answer, that they did not lye, for that they conceiued a secret vnsearchable Clause of Reseruation in their minde:
or Devil the lie, Because still they may answer, that they did not lie, for that they conceived a secret unsearchable Clause of Reservation in their mind:
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as when he said vnto Eue, Gen. 3. Though you eat, you shall not die, reseruing secretly (that we may suppose thus much) dye Martyrs, or die Eating, or dye In your beds, or what not? M. Parsons perceiuing the cōsequence, returned an Answer. M. PARSONS his Mitigation. This is childish:
as when he said unto Eue, Gen. 3. Though you eat, you shall not die, reserving secretly (that we may suppose thus much) die Martyrs, or die Eating, or die In your Beds, or what not? M. Parsons perceiving the consequence, returned an Answer. M. PARSONS his Mitigation. This is childish:
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And is not this goodly stuffe? fil for a booke? fit for print? are these suffered to passe without controlement in England? If the Deuill be the Father of lyes,
And is not this goodly stuff? fill for a book? fit for print? Are these suffered to pass without controlment in England? If the devil be the Father of lies,
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and consequently of them that doe lye, of what kinde will he proue to be to this Minister, that hath beene taken now with so many notorious lyes? &c. The Reuiew.
and consequently of them that do lie, of what kind will he prove to be to this Minister, that hath been taken now with so many notorious lies? etc. The Reuiew.
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I am rather perswaded that he perceiued the full force thereof, which must be this, viz. That if this new maner of Mentall Equiuocation may be once got by hart of people,
I am rather persuaded that he perceived the full force thereof, which must be this, viz. That if this new manner of Mental Equivocation may be once god by heart of people,
because this Mentall euasion will be both as easie, and as secure as any lye; & consequently he shall be accounted the lyar, that shall giue any other the lye.
Because this Mental evasion will be both as easy, and as secure as any lie; & consequently he shall be accounted the liar, that shall give any other the lie.
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I suppose my Reader will hold this to be an Argument, yea and peraduenture so forcible, that the prouerbe may be inuerted against M. Parsons, as thus, Musca non capit Aquilas; and therefore made he a shift to controle that, which he could not confute.
I suppose my Reader will hold this to be an Argument, yea and Peradventure so forcible, that the proverb may be inverted against M. Parsons, as thus, Musca non Capital Aquilas; and Therefore made he a shift to control that, which he could not confute.
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23 Periury being generally held to be a lye in an Oath, it must follow that the same Clause of secret Reseruation, which freeth a man from lying, may deliuer him also from the brand of Periury,
23 Perjury being generally held to be a lie in an Oath, it must follow that the same Clause of secret Reservation, which freeth a man from lying, may deliver him also from the brand of Perjury,
and so shall neuer any, who is experienced in this maner of Equioucating, be possibly condemned of periurie, whatsoeuer the words be, that he vttereth with his mouth:
and so shall never any, who is experienced in this manner of Equioucating, be possibly condemned of perjury, whatsoever the words be, that he uttereth with his Mouth:
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And so the witnesses, which were suborned against true Naboth, and against chast Susanna, and against the Iust one, yea and against very Iustice it selfe our Lord Christ, (supposing that they knew the tricke of Equiuocation) could not be absolutely condemned of Periurie;
And so the Witnesses, which were suborned against true Naboth, and against chaste Susanna, and against the Just one, yea and against very justice it self our Lord christ, (supposing that they knew the trick of Equivocation) could not be absolutely condemned of Perjury;
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24 Againe Iesuits and other Priests are not all soule, as we may guesse by their doctrine of Equiuocating, which they professe for the safety & security of their owne bodies, one branch of which doctrine is this:
24 Again Iesuits and other Priests Are not all soul, as we may guess by their Doctrine of Equivocating, which they profess for the safety & security of their own bodies, one branch of which Doctrine is this:
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When any is put vpon the racke, (saith their Cardinall, & sometime Iesuit, among his general instructions, which he giueth vnto Priests) and doth reueale the crime of an other,
When any is put upon the rack, (Says their Cardinal, & sometime Iesuit, among his general instructions, which he gives unto Priests) and does reveal the crime of an other,
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25 This I noted to be the prophanation of an Oath, the end whereof in thus described by the B. Apostle, Heb. 6. 16. Men verily, sweare by him that is greater, (meaning, God) and an Oath for confirmation is among them an end of Strife:
25 This I noted to be the profanation of an Oath, the end whereof in thus described by the B. Apostle, Hebrew 6. 16. Men verily, swear by him that is greater, (meaning, God) and an Oath for confirmation is among them an end of Strife:
shewing that the consecrated End of an Oath is for such a Confirmation, as may make an ende of Contention. But the Manu-script Treatise Mentall all Equiuocation maintained, that a party examined,
showing that the consecrated End of an Oath is for such a Confirmation, as may make an end of Contention. But the Manuscript Treatise Mental all Equivocation maintained, that a party examined,
but with a secret intention of Equiuocation; and if he be further sweare without all Equiuocation, he may sweare That he doth not Equiuocate, by a third Equiuocation, or Reseruation;
but with a secret intention of Equivocation; and if he be further swear without all Equivocation, he may swear That he does not Equivocate, by a third Equivocation, or Reservation;
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and leaue him in a perpetuall suspence and doubt, that whatsoeuer the swearer protesteth in outward speech, may through a Mentall Reseruation proue as deceitfull,
and leave him in a perpetual suspense and doubt, that whatsoever the swearer protesteth in outward speech, may through a Mental Reservation prove as deceitful,
as was Iudas his All-haile. M. Parsons answereth both to therelation of the testimonie, and also to the Consequence taken from thence. M. PARSONS his Mitigation.
as was Iudas his All-hail. M. Parsons Answers both to therelation of the testimony, and also to the Consequence taken from thence. M. PARSONS his Mitigation.
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I doubt not but T. M. hath egregiously abused, both this and other places, in the Catholike M. S. Treatise, against which he writeth, by setting downe cortaine palpable absurdities, which it is impossible should be there, as setteth them downe:
I doubt not but T. M. hath egregiously abused, both this and other places, in the Catholic M. S. Treatise, against which he Writeth, by setting down cortaine palpable absurdities, which it is impossible should be there, as sets them down:
he will seeme now to grant that it were a palpable absurdity, and impossibilitic. to teach a man sometime to sweare, by multiplying Equiuocation vpon Equiuocation, when he is vrged therunto;
he will seem now to grant that it were a palpable absurdity, and impossibilitic. to teach a man sometime to swear, by multiplying Equivocation upon Equivocation, when he is urged thereunto;
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and therefore will onely be thought to suspect, that I haue abused M. Garnets Treatise, by misreporting his direction, which I alleadged most faithfully.
and Therefore will only be Thought to suspect, that I have abused M. Garnetus Treatise, by misreporting his direction, which I alleged most faithfully.
And for my iustification herein I appeale vnto M. Parsons himselfe in the same booke of Mitigation, wherein a little before the end ( pag. 553.) he confesseth saying;
And for my justification herein I appeal unto M. Parsons himself in the same book of Mitigation, wherein a little before the end (page. 553.) he Confesses saying;
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And now that it is come to his hands, doth he charge me with abuse of the Author, by misciting the foresaid sentence? no truely, he doth not challenge me for any one falsification, in relating of it,
And now that it is come to his hands, does he charge me with abuse of the Author, by misciting the foresaid sentence? no truly, he does not challenge me for any one falsification, in relating of it,
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or any other testimony out of that Treatise; which may seeme not to need our Censure, seeing the eyes euen of this great Proctor for Equiuocation can discerne in it palpable absurdities. Thus much of the Relation of that sentence.
or any other testimony out of that Treatise; which may seem not to need our Censure, seeing the eyes even of this great Proctor for Equivocation can discern in it palpable absurdities. Thus much of the Relation of that sentence.
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27 Law neuer permitteth any such guilefull Equiuocation in an Oath, as was proued both out of their old Schoole by the testimony of Lombard, but especially of Aquinas. If a Iudge require any thing ( saith he ) which he cannot by order of Law, the party accused is not bound to answer,
27 Law never permitteth any such guileful Equivocation in an Oath, as was proved both out of their old School by the testimony of Lombard, but especially of Aquinas. If a Judge require any thing (Says he) which he cannot by order of Law, the party accused is not bound to answer,
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This is plainly to be vnderstood, when a Iudge is competent, and proceedeth competently, otherwise when he proceedeth not according to the forme of law, &c. And a little after. And in this very place of S. Thomas Aquinas the said Doctors words are, that if a Iudge,
This is plainly to be understood, when a Judge is competent, and Proceedeth competently, otherwise when he Proceedeth not according to the Form of law, etc. And a little After. And in this very place of S. Thomas Aquinas the said Doctors words Are, that if a Judge,
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though otherwise lawfull, shall require any thing, which by order of law he cannot, the party accused is not bound to answer at all (and much lesse directly to his meaning) but may either by Appeale or by other meanes deliuer himself by euasion,
though otherwise lawful, shall require any thing, which by order of law he cannot, the party accused is not bound to answer At all (and much less directly to his meaning) but may either by Appeal or by other means deliver himself by evasion,
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yet whensoeuer he doth sweare, yea although it be before an vnlawfull Magistrate proceeding vniustly against vs, (because in our Oath we are to respect rather God, by whom wesweare,
yet whensoever he does swear, yea although it be before an unlawful Magistrate proceeding unjustly against us, (Because in our Oath we Are to respect rather God, by whom wesweare,
M. Parsons answereth in generall vnto this foresaid Testimony of T. Aquinas, and the sentences of some others, that we are chargeable to auoyd subtlety in swearing,
M. Parsons Answers in general unto this foresaid Testimony of T. Aquinas, and the sentences of Some Others, that we Are chargeable to avoid subtlety in swearing,
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then &c. That which is not done by order of law, is not done (as euery one knoweth) competently, as M. Parsons answereth, but incompetently. 29 Secondly;
then etc. That which is not done by order of law, is not done (as every one Knoweth) competently, as M. Parsons Answers, but incompetently. 29 Secondly;
av av cst r-crq vbz xx vdn p-acp n1 pp-f n1, vbz xx vdn (c-acp d pi vvz) av-j, p-acp n1 np1 vvz, cc-acp av-j. crd ord;
for my better warrant, I had the confession of their owne Genesius Sepulueda, who speaking of the same testimony of Aquinas, & speaking professedly against their Equiuocators maner of Equiuocating, saith;
for my better warrant, I had the Confessi of their own Genesius Sepulueda, who speaking of the same testimony of Aquinas, & speaking professedly against their Equivocators manner of Equivocating, Says;
Coula Thomas more plainly deny their opinion, who teach that a guilty person may 〈 ◊ 〉 a truo accusation by Art of words? M. Parsons resolueth contrarily.
Coula Thomas more plainly deny their opinion, who teach that a guilty person may 〈 ◊ 〉 a truo accusation by Art of words? M. Parsons resolveth contrarily.
30 If my Reader require a more full satisfaction in this question of Mentall Equiuocation, he shall need but to consult with some former Sections of this Encounter in the first booke, cap. 4. there is the hunting out of this Fox;
30 If my Reader require a more full satisfaction in this question of Mental Equivocation, he shall need but to consult with Some former Sectis of this Encounter in the First book, cap. 4. there is the hunting out of this Fox;
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In this second booke and cap. 3. the Confession of Sotus; and cap. 4. the opinion of Cicero; and c. 14. the iudgment of Maldonate: Al these largely discussed.
In this second book and cap. 3. the Confessi of Sotus; and cap. 4. the opinion of Cicero; and c. 14. the judgement of Maldonate: All these largely discussed.
p-acp d ord n1 cc n1. crd dt n1 pp-f np1; cc n1. crd dt n1 pp-f np1; cc sy. crd dt n1 pp-f fw-it: d d av-j vvn.
for there is no doubt but M. Parsons and his fellowes, who durst seeke to iustifie their Mentall Equiuocation by Scriptures (the writings of the holy Ghost) will not spare to Equiuocate in their owne writings, either for the discrediting of their Aduersaries;
for there is no doubt but M. Parsons and his Fellows, who durst seek to justify their Mental Equivocation by Scriptures (the writings of the holy Ghost) will not spare to Equivocate in their own writings, either for the discrediting of their Adversaries;
yet that in such cases they ought to mortifie their falshoods of the outward speech with their exorbitant, secret, reserued, & inapprehēsible conceits:
yet that in such cases they ought to mortify their falsehoods of the outward speech with their exorbitant, secret, reserved, & inapprehensible conceits:
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as to thinke that they might dissemble themselues to be heretikes, only to the end that they might, by lying more easily discouer those Heretikes, called Priscilianists, who concealed their heresie by lying,
as to think that they might dissemble themselves to be Heretics, only to the end that they might, by lying more Easily discover those Heretics, called Priscillianists, who concealed their heresy by lying,
By & by S. Augustine returneth to the Orthodoxe, Can he perswade a man (saith he) that he will not lie, that he be not catched himselfe, who lieth that he may catch another? Doest thou not perceiue whereunto this euill practise doth lead, to wit, that both they may seeme to be worthily suspected of vs,
By & by S. Augustine returns to the Orthodox, Can he persuade a man (Says he) that he will not lie, that he be not catched himself, who lies that he may catch Another? Dost thou not perceive whereunto this evil practice does led, to wit, that both they may seem to be worthily suspected of us,
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and so it shall come to passe, that whilest that our beliefe is taught by lying, no man shall know whom to beleeue? Which reward of not being beleeued is of all men most due vnto Mentall Equiuocators, such as teach men to say to their friends, I haue no money, meaning, to lend it vnto you;
and so it shall come to pass, that whilst that our belief is taught by lying, no man shall know whom to believe? Which reward of not being believed is of all men most due unto Mental Equivocators, such as teach men to say to their Friends, I have no money, meaning, to lend it unto you;
when their Cases happen to be truely knowen, to wit, that the one had money, and the other was a Priest, doe carry nothing else in their outward sound (which onely can be vnderstood of man) but the euident apparance of a lie,
when their Cases happen to be truly known, to wit, that the one had money, and the other was a Priest, do carry nothing Else in their outward found (which only can be understood of man) but the evident appearance of a lie,
and are indeed, in themselues, (as hath beene both prooued and confessed) no better than flat lies; yet could M. Parsons haue no other remedies, whereby to mortifie his manifold vntruthes, which vniustly & vnconscionably he did heap vpon me:
and Are indeed, in themselves, (as hath been both proved and confessed) no better than flat lies; yet could M. Parsons have no other remedies, whereby to mortify his manifold untruths, which unjustly & unconscionably he did heap upon me:
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Reckon. p. 35. To equiuocate falsly and formally is the worst kinde of lying Equiuocation. Here lying Equiuocation, is the Genus of his Formall, and Mentall.
Reckon. p. 35. To equivocate falsely and formally is the worst kind of lying Equivocation. Here lying Equivocation, is the Genus of his Formal, and Mental.
vvb. n1 crd p-acp vvi av-j cc av-j vbz dt js n1 pp-f j-vvg n1. av vvg n1, vbz dt fw-la pp-f po31 j, cc j.
See his booke Devanit Scient. cap. 6. ve. sus finem, where he calleth the Protestants Hereticks. And, as some note, was commended by Pope Leo the tenth, l 1. Ep. 38. See the booke of Pope loan, pag. 104.
See his book Devanit Scient. cap. 6. ve. sus finem, where he calls the Protestants Heretics. And, as Some note, was commended by Pope Leo the tenth, l 1. Epistle 38. See the book of Pope loan, page. 104.
Origenes dixit, Omnes homines, excepte Christo, aliquo modo vrendos esse igne conflagrationis diuini iudicy. Et Hilarius vnà cum Ambrosio Originem secutus est. Eòdem pertiuere videntur quae Basitius annotauit: Adeandem opinionem apparet allusisse Hieronimum; & longe ante Hieronimum quo { que }, Lactantium. Sixtus Senens. Bibl. l. 5. Annot. 171. Lactanti is l. 7 c. 21 Perstringentur, inquit, &c. Loquitur de ijs, qui in resurrectione sunt igni tradendi. Suares les. in part 3. Thom. q. 59. art. 6. Disp. 57. sect. 1.
Origenes dixit, Omnes homines, except Christ, Aliquo modo vrendos esse Ignite conflagrationis Divine iudicy. Et Hilary vnà cum Ambrosio Originem Secutus est. Eòdem pertiuere videntur Quae Basitius annotauit: Adeandem opinionem Appears allusisse Hieronimum; & long ante Hieronimum quo { que }, Lactantius. Sixtus Siena. Bible l. 5. Annot 171. Lactanti is l. 7 c. 21 Perstringentur, inquit, etc. Loquitur de ijs, qui in resurrection sunt Fire tradendi. Suares les. in part 3. Tom q. 59. art. 6. Disp 57. sect. 1.
Legat qui vesit Graecorum veterum Commentarios, & nullum quantum opinor, aut rarissimum de Purgatorio sermonem inueniet: Sed neq̄, Latinisimul omnes huius rei veritatem conceperunt. Roffens. Art. 18. aduers. Lutherum.
Legate qui vesit Graecorum veterum Commentarios, & nullum quantum opinor, Or rarissimum de Purgatorio sermonem inveniet: said Neq, Latinisimul omnes Huius rei veritatem conceperunt. Roffens. Art. 18. aduers. Luther.
Scnens. bibl. 1. 6. Annol. 345. & Renatius Laurentius Annot. in Tcrt. de Testimonio anima pa. 519. saith, Omnes fere antiqui in ea ferè sententia erant, vt putarent animos iusiorum non esse omnino beatos ante resurrectionem.
Scnens. Bible. 1. 6. Annual. 345. & Renatius Laurentius Annot in Tcrt. de Testimony anima Paul. 519. Says, Omnes fere antiqui in ea ferè sententia Erant, vt putarent Animos iusiorum non esse Omnino Beatos ante resurrectionem.
Coccius calleth him Alexandrin { us } Presbiter, Turrian, Episcopus: but Baronius numbring vp the 〈 ◊ 〉 of that See, neuermen tions any such B. The truth is, they know not what to make him.
Coccius calls him Alexandrian { us } Presbyter, Turrian, Episcopus: but Baronius numbering up the 〈 ◊ 〉 of that See, neuermen Actions any such B. The truth is, they know not what to make him.
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Senens. Bibliot: l. 5. Annot. 171. Suarez Tom. 2. in Thom. q. 59. art 6. disp. 57. sect. 1. §. Ex hac. doth expound these places, De diuine igne, and not of Purgatory-fire
Siena. Bibliot: l. 5. Annot 171. Suarez Tom. 2. in Tom q. 59. art 6. Disp. 57. sect. 1. §. Ex hac. does expound these places, De divine Ignite, and not of Purgatory fire
Baronius Anno 520. num. 53. & 54. making the subiect of the Letters of Justinus, and of Justinianus the same: Nowe num. 34. hee sheweth the cause, as I haue related.
Baronius Anno 520. num. 53. & 54. making the Subject of the Letters of Justinus, and of Justinian the same: Now num. 34. he shows the cause, as I have related.
Epist Erasmi ad Lectorē, initio Tom. 4 operum Ambrosij. And albeit he seeme commendable vnto Erasmus, yet not knowing what age he was off, he can challenge no place here.
Epistle Erasmi ad Lectorē, initio Tom. 4 Operum Ambrosius. And albeit he seem commendable unto Erasmus, yet not knowing what age he was off, he can challenge no place Here.
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Barckley in two Bookes, the one Contra Monarchomakos The second, De potestate Pa. p. e, handleth this at full, and concludeth expressely against the Doctrine of the Iesuites. See also the confession of others, Full satisfact. part. 3. cap. 8 &c.
Barckley in two Books, the one Contra Monarchomakos The second, De potestate Paul p. e, handleth this At full, and Concludeth expressly against the Doctrine of the Iesuites. See also the Confessi of Others, Full Satisfact. part. 3. cap. 8 etc.
Gretzorus Ies. Colleq. Ratisb. Sess. 1. Siuè solus aliquid definiat, est eius infallibilis authoritas: cùm è Cathedra vt Pontifex definit, non est errori obnoxius.
Gretzorus Ies. Colleq. Ratisbon. Sess. 1. Siuè solus Aliquid definiat, est eius Infallible Authoritas: cùm è Cathedra vt Pontifex definite, non est errori obnoxius.
M. Parsons eiteth from 〈 ◊ 〉 in Hist. Aug. Srcul 9. cap. 5. ex Asserius Me. 〈 ◊ 〉 but in that Asserius set out by M. Comden Fran. cof. 1603. I finde no such speech.
M. Parsons eiteth from 〈 ◊ 〉 in Hist. Aug. Srcul 9. cap. 5. ex Asserius Me. 〈 ◊ 〉 but in that Asserius Set out by M. Comden France cof. 1603. I find no such speech.
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Prohib. or Supersedeas (Iud. Anders.) Dat. 12. Feb. An. Eliz. 45. And yet was there granted a Consolt. Dat. 27. Maij, Reg. Iac. An. 1. by Iudge Anderson.
Prohib. or Supersedeas (Iud. Anders.) Dat. 12. Feb. Nias Eliz 45. And yet was there granted a Consolt. Dat. 27. May, Reg. Iac. Nias 1. by Judge Anderson.
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